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North Carblina State Library 


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North Carolina Slet« Library 


The Curse of Sectionalism 


Author of "The Case of the South Against the North/' 


9 ^3. ?■// 


On page 7, 16th line, insert no< between "vvere"aud "willing. 
On page 41, 4th line from bottom, substitute more for "move.' 
On page 56, 9th line, substitute fiction for "Action." 


jSTearly 40 year^ ago Dr. Robert L. Dabney, who had served © 
for a time on Stonewall Jackson's staff, said this : 

"Few minds and consciences have that stable independence 
which remains erect and nndebanched amidst the disappoint- 
ments, angnish and losses of defeat, the desertion of numbers, 
and the obloquy of a lost cause. Hence it has usually ]:»een 
found in the history of subjugated nations that they receive 
at the hands of their conquerors this crowning woe — a de- 
spondent, cringing and cowardly spirit. The wisest, kindest, 
most patriotic thing which any man can do for his country 
amidst such calamities is to aid in preserving and rein- 
stating the tottering principles of his countrymen ; to teach 
them, while they give place to inexorable force, to abate noth- 
ing of righteous convictions and self-respect. And in this 
work he is really a benefactor of the conquerors as well as of 
the conquered ; for thus he aids in preserving that precious 
seed of men who are men of principle and not of expediency ; 
who alone (if they can) are able to reconstruct society, after 
the tumult of faction shall have spent its rage, upon the 
foundations of truth and justice. The men at the Xorth who 
have stood firmly aloof from the errors and crimes of tliis 
revolution, and the men at the South who have not been 
unmanned and debauched by defeat — these are the men whom 
Providence will call forth from their seclusion when the fury 
of fanaticism shall have done its worst, to repair its mischiefs 
and save America from chronic anarchy and barbarism, if, 
indeed, anv rescue is desioiied for us." 


After Washington issued his "Proclamation of Xeutrality" 
at the beginning of the war between Xapoleon and the Brit- 
ish, the opposition to its doctrines, which ultimately le<:l to the 
overthrow of the Federal party, was met by Alexander Ham- 

iv Alexander Hamilton. 

iltoii in a series of letters, whose noni de plume was Pacifi- 
cus; and to these James Madison replied under the nom de 
plume of Helvidius. In Madison's IVth letter we iind this 
interesting passage, which the student of our history must re- 
gard as an utterance of almost plenary inspiration : 

"But it is not to be forgotten that these doctrines, though 
ever so cleverly disproved, or ever so weakly defended, re- 
main before the public a striking monument of the jDrinciples 
and views which are entertained and j^ropagated in the com- 

"It is also to be remembered that, however the conse- 
quences flowing from such premises may be disavowed at this 
time, or by this individual, we are to regard it as morally 
certain that, in proportion as the doctrines make their way 
into the creed of the government, and the acquiescence of the 
public, every power that can be deduced from them will be 
deduced and exercised sooner or later by those who may have 
an interest in so doing. The character of human nature o-ives 
this salutary warning to every sober and reflecting mind. 
And the history of government in all its forms and in every 
period of time ratifies the danger. A people, therefore, who 
are so hapj)y as to possess the inestimable blessing of a free 
and defined constitution, cannot be too w^atchful against the 
intrdduction, nor too critical in tracing the consequences, of 
new principles and new constructions, that may remove the 
landmarks of power." 

The views of Plamilton which Madison was combating 
were in perfect accord with his sentiments as expressed in the 
Convention of ITST, on the 29th of June, as Yates informs 

"To avoid the evils deducible from these observations, we 
nnist establish a general and natii:)nal government, completely 
sovereign, and annihilate the State distinctions and State 
operations ; and, unless we do this, no good purpose can be 


''History, when it is well taught, becomes a school of 
moralitv for all mankind. It condemns vice, throws off the 
mask from false virtues, lays open popular errors and pre- 
judices * " and shows by a thousand examples, that are 
more availing than all reasoning whatsoever, that nothing is 
great and commendable but honor and probity.*" — Rollin. 

The life of a generation of human beings, unlike that of 
many other animals, is not long enough for us to study, with 
satisfaction and profit, the laws of heredity and that regula- 
tion of the Divine Government which imposes the iniquities 
of the fathers upon the children to the third and fourth gen- 
eration; hence what knowledge we have along these lines to 
guide our footsteps in the path of rectitude and show us how 
to pursue such a course of life as will insure better conditions 
for our posterity, must be little else than what our mothers 
and fathers have told us. In all the early ages of the world 
this narrow field of vision included less of the conduct of com- 
munities than of families, the complicated life of the former 
adding to the difficulty of tracing and co-ordinating any 
series of related phenomena. Hence generations came and 
went before even the world's most cultured intellects began 
to see that there is a philosophy of human life — that the hap- 
piness of to-day is a result of forces which operated yester- 
day, that the righteous man descended from righteous par- 
ents, and that the moral standard of a community of to-day 
can be nothing but the original, or an amended form of, that 
which was ordained and enforced by generations long since 
passed away. 

Since the invention of the printing press, however, and 
the dissemination throughout the reading world of the rec- 
ords which the Historians have preserved, the foundations of 
the philosophy of life have liecome the connnon property of 
students in all lands, and, although imperfect, one-sided or 
sectional views of nearly all the famous movements which 
have convulsed nations and tribes have come to us, we can 
trace with reasonable satisfaction the rise, decay and fall of 

vi Preface. 

many of the proud cities and countries of ancient and 
mediaeval times, and measure the destructive workings of 
the follies which led to their undoing ; and of the nations and 
tribes of the modern world, with its free press, we can trace 
with little danger of error the progress to a higher life or to 
decay, and prepare our minds to agree with Draper when, 
after giving some details of Spain's shocking brutalities in 
Mexico and Peru, he says : "Had not her punishment over- 
taken her, men would have surely said, 'There is no retribu- 
tion, there is no God !' " 

This train of thinking had much to do with the preparation 
of this volume. The overwhelming and the devastation of 
the Southern Confederacy, the imperious and aggressive de- 
meanor of our conquerors, and the submissive spirit dictated 
by the prudence of their victims, have thus far conferred 
upon the winning side almost a monopoly of the book mar- 
ket, and all over the South as well as over the Xorth so-called 
"Histories" are magnifying the virtues of the Xorth and the 
imperfections of the South, misrepresenting the fundamental 
facts on which must rest the world's estimate of the claims 
of the contending sections, and exalting to high places in 
"Halls of Fame" some unworthy ''heroes" whom, no doubt, 
future generations will view with surprise. 

Such "history," of course, is valueless for the great purpose 
of being "a school of morality for all mankind", and for 
enabling future generations to trace to the motives and the 
conduct of the actors in that great drama any of the social 
and moral conditions which ought to point back with unerring 
finger to their causes. 

But times have changed ; most of the actors in that gTeat 
conflict have passed away, carrying their sectional bitterness 
with them ; and when in a few more years the angry passions 
of those times shall become a tradition, the ^NTortherner or 
the Southerner in whose bosom the fires of a lofty and un- 
bought patriotism are burning will demand a truthful nar- 
rative of motives and events before and during the period of 
the war. To meet this demand manv works have been writ- 

Preface. vii 

ten, dealing with almost every possible cause of sectional an- 
tagonism, and apparently leaving nothing nnsaid; but, be- 
lieving that I had discovered a new line of defense for the 
South, I have prepared this work for future generations to 


I was born in Duplin County, jSTorth Carolina, on the 10th 
of October, 1831, my great-great gTandfather having come 
over from Ireland in 1739. By intermarriages his blood in 
my veins is mingled with that of the Whitfields, the Bryans 
and the Sloans, The John Grady who was killed at the 
battle of Moore's Creek Bridge was his son. 

My father, Alexander Outlaw Grady, owned, first and last, 
twenty five or thirty slaves ; and, during my childhood the 
little negroes were my play mates. As I gTew up I hunted 
and fished with the negro boys, and worked with them in 
the fields and woods except during about three months each 
winter when I attended the "old field schools". As I ap- 
proached manhood my father and his neighbors employed a 
classical scholar to teach their children ten months in each 
year; and in 1851 I became a pupil of Eev. James M. Sprunt, 
a Scotchman, who taught in the Grove Academy at Kenans- 
ville. In September, 1853, I entered the University of 
ISTorth Carolina, where I received the degree of A. B. in June^ 
1857. Then I returned to Kenansville and taught two years 
with my old Master, at the end of which period I was chosen 
Professor of Mathematics and the Xatural Sciences in Austin 
College, then located at Huntsville, Texas. There I began 
work in the summer of 1859, and taught till the war caused 
the Institution to suspend operations. Soon afterwards 
typhoid fever prostrated me, and unfitted me for military ser- 
vice till May, 1862. Then I enlisted in a Cavalry Company, 
which became K of the 25th Eegiment; but in a few months 
Gen. Hindman dismounted us, and we served on foot till the 

viii Pkeface. 

close of the war. On Jan. 11, 1863, we were captured at 
Arkansas Post — about 3,000 of us and 45,000 of the enemy, 
with 13 gun-boats — and carried to Camp Butler, near Spring- 
field, Illinois. Having been exchanged about the middle of 
April, 1863, we were sent to Bragg's army, which was then 
at TuUahoma, Tenn., and in this army we served until the 
war ended. On the morning of the battle of Bentonville I 
went to Peace Institute Hospital in Paleigh, where typhoid 
fever kept me till May 2, 1865. 

After the war I taught school, farmed, served as a Justice 
of the Peace, and was County Superintendent of Schools, in 
Sampson and Duplin Counties till 1891. From that year 
till 1895 I served as a Representative in Congress; and after 
that I returned to farming. But during the last four years 
I have been in Clinton teaching and pursuing literary work. 


Clinton, X. C, May, 1906. 


Some months ago we had a visitor in Clinton, Mr. Jolm 
Charles Hines, of Faison, who was a Lientenant in Capt. 
E, F. Shaw's Company of the 5th North Carolina Cavalry 
in the War between the States ; and, as Mr. Hines was one 
of the (300 Confederate prisoners who, in the latter part of 
September, 1864, were placed on Morris Island, Charleston 
Harbor, and exposed to the shells from Confederate batteries, 
it occnrred to me to be a duty we owe to the descendants of 
Mr. Hines and to all future generations of our people to 
prepare and publish as accurate a statement of that terrible 
experience as could be gathered from his recollections, from 
the few notes he kept, and from other accessible sources. 
This obligation seemed the more binding in view of the fact- 
that misrepresentations of the motives and the conduct of 
the contending sections as to their treatment of prisoners 
are passing into History as truths. 

Fortunately, I learned from Mr. Hines that Capt. Sey- 
mour Anderson Johnson, of Warsaw, who was a Second 
Lieutenant in the 23rd Virginia infantry, was a fellow-pris- 
oner ; and from him I obtained a condensed copy of his diary, 
which, he said, was "intended for his grand-children to read." 

The importance of preserving for coming generations of 
our people a truthful statement of the treatment of these 
unfortunate i^risoners was impressed on my min<l thirty- 
five years ago when I listened to the stor}' of their sufferings 
as told by the late Murdoch McLeod, of Moore county, who 
was my associate in the Clinton Male Academy. 

But when I began the search for the necessary data, and 
applied to Col. John L. Cantwell, of Wilmington, for infor- 
maticn as to the volumes of the War Records I should consult, 
he sent me a copy of "The Immortal Six Hundred," a work 
written by Major J. Ogden Murray, of Winchester, Virginia, 
who was one of these prisoners ; and since he has fully covered 
the ground, leaving nothing more to be said as to the cruelty 
of the Federal officials, I was induced by the investigations I 
had already made to enter upon an enquiry into the causes 
of the sectional conflict, and to fix, if possible, the ultimate 
responsibility for that conflict ; and to bring in the treatment 
of these prisoners as only one of a long series of inexcusable 


aggressions on the liloerties, the rights, and the sensibilities- 
of the Southern people. 

With this object in view, I was necessarily carried back 
to a comparison of the intellectual, moral and sentimental 
forces which dominated in the two sections of the country 
when first settled, and to follow these forces as they co-oper- 
ated or opposed each other all along down the generations. 
But such a comparison must be somewhat imperfect because 
the records on which it must be founded, when preserved 
at all, are not always trustworthy ; however, causes can some- 
times be inferred from results, and, when the inferred causes 
accord with those which have been preserved, we may confi- 
dently accept them as beyond reasonable dispute. 

It is the invariable custom of students of History to as- 
sume that, because the Englishmen who settled in the South 
and the Puritans who settled in Xew England descended from 
the same ancestors — John Fiske said they "belonged to one 
and the same stratum of society" — the mental, moral and 
sentimental qualities of the settlers in the two sections were 
the same ; but identity of ancestry proves nothing as to the 
qualities which distinguish one man from another. Our 
every day's experience satisfies us that this is true. Hence, 
if I assume, as I do, that the moral and sentimental 
forces which laid the foundations of social and political life 
in the two sections possessed shades of difference, and that 
in them can be found the explanation of the sectional strug- 
gle, the reader will perhaps admit that I am not ignoring the 
experiences common to all men, nor deviating from the path 
of legitimate argumentation. 

In our search for the cause of this struggle we shall make 
a serious mistake if we fail to bear in mind the correct answer 
to a question which seems to have been universally ignored 
by our Historians. It is this : By whom were the people of 
^ew England appointed tc) supervise conditions in the South, 
to act as our censor morum, and to feel a consuming remorse 
when a crime was committed in the South ? 

This appointment has been taken for granted in all the 
school books, so-called Histories of the United States, debates 
in Congress, and the newspapers. And even as late as 1901 
Prof. Prescott, of Harvard University, in a letter to Gov. Ay- 


cock, of Xorth Carolina, complimenting him for the senti- 
ments expressed in his inaugural address, informed him that 
our i^^ew England Supervisors "have not been able to feel 
that they could trust the jDurposes and the candor of the peo- 
ple of the South." 

The ''conscience" of these Xew Engianders drove many of 
them into Canada, as is remembered by many persons now 
living, where they would be freed from any moral responsi- 
bility for the sins of the South. In our effort to settle this 
question let us bear in mind that Massachusetts inaugiirated 
the resistance to the British government; that, as the late 
Senator Hoar admitted a few years before his death, the 
Southerners "had not the slightest particle of personal inter- 
est in the conflict", because "their trade was not affected", 
and conditions were such that "they would probably have 
found it more for their advantage to buy what they had to 
buy of England than of Massachusetts", and that these 
Southerners went to the assistance of Massachusetts, con- 
tributing to the war a larger per cent, of their military popu- 
lation than she did. Bearing these things in mind let us 
decide by what law or regulation of civilized hiimanity these 
Southerners could have expected that such a noble and unsel- 
fish support of the claims of a suffering Colony was the first 
step on the road to submission to the political and "moral" 
supervision of that Colony, enforced by generations of un- 
provoked aggTessions. 


Chapter I. — The Puritaxs ais'd the Cavaliers. 

The influence of localitv on a people's character and dis- 
position. — How enlightenment affects the sentimental nature 
of people. — The "Separatists" and their pretensions. — Their 
inconsistency. — The intolerance of the Puritans. — Their 
internal feuds in England. — Cromwell, and his expulsion of 
hypocrites from Parliament. — Twelve years of Puritan rule 
enough for England. — The Cavaliers who settled Virginia, 
and their influence in American affairs. — The settlers in the 
other Southern Colonies. — What Burke said of them, and 
what Hoar said of their descendants. — The educational in- 
fluences in the two sections. 

Chapter II. — Xorther^^^ers a:n"d Southerners. 

Their different moral codes. — How the Indian was treated 
in the two sections. — Puritan atrocities. — The brutal intoler- 
ance of the Puritans. — Their treatment of Quakers. — How 
they punished the "ungodly". — How the "knowing men of 
the east" cheated the Xew Amsterdamers. — How they re- 
warded the Catholics of Maryland for their kindness. — Polit- 
ical corruption. — H(iw the ugliest old women in Xew England 
understood the philosophy of witchcraft. — The incredible 
numlier of their offenses, and their obstinacy when brought 
to trial. 

Chapter III. — Slavery. 

The ^'Desire," a slave-ship employed by the Massachusetts 
Bay Colony. — The Xew England Colonies adopted a fugi- 
tive-slave law. — Their slave-ships engaged in the business till 
1862. — The Lord thanked for bringing the l)enighted slave 
to a land where he could enjoy the blessings of "a gospel dis- 
pensation". — Xew England opposed a tax of ten dollars on 
each imported slave, as proposed by a Southerner. — Rum 
the principal article exchanged in Africa for slaves. — Xew 
England members of the first Congress resorted to dishonor- 
able methods to prevent the imposition of a six-cents import 
tax per gallon on molasses. — What Maclay said of their meth- 
ods. — Faneuil Hall built with mouev made in the slave-trade. 

Contents. xiii 

Chapter IV. — Sectioxalism. 

Greed, justified by an assumption of moral superiority in 
the Puritan, the real cause of sectional antagonism. — The 
South for an open market, and Xew England for a monopoly 
of the carrying trade. — How by a deal they secured the adop- 
tion of their scheme in the Constitutional Convention. — 
What Carey said of the result up to 1814. — The Southern 
States "so many wealthy Colonies" for Xew England's ship- 
pers. — The "stop thief" game resorted to, and a systematic 
plan of misrepresenting the South's purposes entered upon. — - 
The motive of Jefferson in purchasing Louisiana misrepre- 
sented. — Protection to Xew England's manufacturers at the 
expense of other sections. — Nullification. — The war waged 
against "the American government" in Kansas. — Kansas to 
be settled by white people, and be a "home market" for l^ew 
England manufacturers. — Their plan to exclude free negroes 
from Kansas. — The Kansas crusade organized "for specula- 
tive purposes". — The hy})0crisy of the abolitionists. — Every 
movement, for "speculative purposes." — The insincerity of 
AVilliam H. Seward. — Free negToes excluded from Massa- 
chusetts in 178S. — Xathan Dane's fugitive-slave law. — Free 
negroes excluded from Ohio by the Xew England settlers. — 
Massachusetts su^Dervised conditions in South Carolina. 

Chapter V. — The Sectioxs ix the Revolution. 

The Revolution a resistance to Britain's interference with 
the commerce of Massachusetts, the Southern Colonies having 
"no personal interest in it". — The South's magnanimity in 
going to her assistance. — The selection of a Southerner for 
Commander-in-Chief expected to hasten Southern co-opera- 
tion. — ^Vashington's experience at Boston, and his disgTist at 
the "commercial spirit" of Xew England troops. — His regret 
that he had accepted his office. — How Xew Englanders 
labored with him to gain Canadian support by plundering the 
island of St. John. — How their privateers co-operated in 
enlisting the svmpathy of the South by capturing a vessel 
belonging to Joseph Hewes, of Edenton, X. C. — How one 
of their naval officers deceived and cheated John Paul Jones. 
— How William Hooper, a Bostonian, was mortified by the 

xiv Contents. 

conduct of "Eastern forces" in the battle of Long Island. — 
They "plundered friends and foes without discrimination". 
— Richard Montg'omerj^'s despair while l^esieg'ing St. Johns 
with Xew England troops. — Southern manhood at Charleston 
surprised and gratified Gen. Charles Lee. — Pettv sectional- 
ism manifested by John Stark and other Xew Engianders. — 
The outcome of petty sectionalism in John Adams's refusal 
to consent to Paul Jones's appointment to a captaincy in the 
navy. The Xew Engiander appointed forced to retire in 
disgrace. — What Joseph Hewes said of his sectionalism. — 
The comparative sacrifices of the sections. — 181 soldiers fur- 
nished by every 1,000 citizens in the South, and only 11(5 fur- 
nished by that number in the Xortli. — Out of 1,000 men fit 
for service South Carolina sent to the firing line 881, and IMas- 
sachusetts sent 762. — Cargoes of provisions sent by Southern- 
ers to the people of Boston when their port was closed. — Per- 
capita pension money sent to Revolutionary veterans nearly 
three times as much for the Xorth as for the South. — What 
Richard Hildreth said of the greed of his own people. 

Chapter VI. — The Sectioxs iic the "Moee Perfect 


Eisher Ames favored a "force bill" to compel Southerners 
to patronize Xew England shippers. — The disgTaceful deal in 
the assumption of State debts. — Bounties to Xew England's 
fishermen.— $13,000,000 given them up to I860.— Xorthern 
monopoly of the coast trade, and partial monopoly of foreigTi 
commerce. — Xorthern manufacturers emj)owered to levy 
tribute on the South. — Their right to a portion of the pro- 
ducts of slave labor. — What Joseph H. Walker said. — What 
Donn Piatt said. — The Xorth's share of "the bounty of the 
nation" from six to ten times as much as the Soutli's. — John 
Hancock, Governor of Massachusetts, refused to obey an 
order of the Supreme Court. 

Chapter VIL— The War of 1812. 

This was provoked l\v aggressions on the rights of Xew 
England ship-owners, the South having no personal interest 
in it. — Organized resistance in Xew England to the ^Ladison 
administration. — Gov. Caleb Strong refused to C(an])ly with 


Contents. xv 

the demand for the service of the Massachusetts militia. — 
Her demand for twice as much as her militia service was 
worth rejected by Congress.— Threats to secede coerced the 
administration to permit Xew England traders to feed the 
British, and finally to consent to a treaty of peace in which 
Great Britain conceded ncne of the claims which provoked 
the war. — John Lowell's account of I^ew England "lawless- 

Chapter VIII. — The Teaducees of the South. 

The South misrepresented and slandered during all the 
years up to 1861. — Xew England's desire to have the 
slave-trade continue till 1808 charged to the South. — Robert 
J. Ingersoll's ignorance and spite. — The Louisiana purchase 
misrepresented as a trick to "expand slavery", although every- 
body knew that Jefferson was opposed to any such "expan- 
sion". — llrs. Stowe's Yankee, Legree, her most brutal slave- 
driver, represented to the world of ignorance as a Southerner. 
— Xew England's wish to include all slaves when fixing a 
popular basis for taxation, and her unwillingness to include 
any of them when fixing a basis of representation, misunder- 
stood, and the South's "arrogance" denounced. — While the 
census of 1850 showed that 41: per cent, of the colored people 
in the Xortli were mulattoes, and that the per cent, in ]!!^orth 
Carolina was 12, the South's critics were suffering bitter 
pangs of conscience because of the licentiousness of South- 
erners ; and Longfellow's "Quadroon Grirl" was bringing tears 
to their eyes. — The census of 1850 showed that more than 
lialf of the land owners in Xorth Carolina owned no slaves ; 
but it was understood all over the Xorth that non-slave-hold- 
ers in the South "had no interest in the soil", and that their 
condition was "worse than European serfdom". — Lowell's 
slander about Southern aggressions "on the rights of the 
JSTorth". — Misrepresentations and slanders about the Missouri 
Compromise. — ]N"orthern and Southern schools furnished 
with books which teach that the "Grod-fearing Puritans" 
did not adojDt slavery "as the Georgians did". — A forged ad- 
dress of Alexander H. Stephens. — Whittier's libels. — A new 
ffve-volume History of the Imited States gathers up all the 
old exaggerations, misrepresentations and slanders. — A hyp- 

xvi Contents. 

ocritical howl about the "right of petition". — A specimen of 
regard for the slave. — Day dawning. 

Chapter IX. — States Secede. 

Plope of justice in the Union lost. — The right to secede 
never till IS 61 denied by any respectable party or faction. — 
The right of one generation to bind all future generations 
to any compact. — The absurd charge of "a treasonable combi- 
nation''. — The famous Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions. — 
Judge Rawl's view. — His work a text-book at West Point 
while Jefferson Davis and Robert E. Lee were students. — ■ 
What the Northern newspapers said. — The ownership of Fort 
Sumter. — Confederate Commissioners deceived by the ad- 
ministration. — The invasion of the Confederacy, and the 
war till July 4. — Mr. Lincoln's "extraordinary acts" during 
these months. 

Chapter X. — Lincoln^s Combixatiox Fictiox. 

The old law for suppressing the Whiskey Insurrection 
hunted up ; and the civilized world assured that the South- 
ern Confederacy of sovereign States was an "insurrection" 
similar to that. — The world informed that the officers and 
crews of Confederate privateers were "pirates", and would 
be punished as such. — "International law" appealed to to jus- 
tify the treatment of "pirates". — Ports of the Confederacy 
blockaded, and medicines declared "contraband of war". — 
"The conscience of the Xorth" not bound by constitutional 
obligations and oaths. 

Chapter XL — The Writ of Habeas Corpus. 

Blackstone's account of the struggles of our Britisli ances- 
tors. — They wrenched from their king the ])ower to suspend 
the writ of habeas corpus. — A"o suspension except by the peo- 
ple's representatives. — All war powers in the Union delegated 
exclusively to the Congress. — All these powers exercised by 
President Lincoln during the first SO days of the war. — By 
the suspension of the writ of halieas corpus the administra- 
tion enabled to fill ])risons with gcp.tleuien who clniuied free- 
dom of s])eech. — The treatment df Charles J. lugersoll. 

Contents. xvii 

^ Chapter XII. Regulations as to Prisoners. 

The butchery of "pirates" stopped by threats of retaliation. 
— The clamors of the families of Northerners in Southern 
prisons compel exchanges. — A cartel agreed to. — The cartel 
violated when prudence no longer demanded respect for it. — 
Prisoners sent from Andersonville to intercede with Mr. Lin- 
coln for exchanges not permitted to see him. — Vice-President 
Stephens, on a mission to Mr. Lincoln to urge exchanges, 
stopped at JSTewport News, and sent back. — The colla]>se of 
the Confederacy a question of time if no captured Confeder- 
ate soldiers were released. — Xorthern humanity. — Southern- 
ers freezing and starving in iSTorthern prisons. — The suppres- 
sion of the report of the Lnited States Surgeon-General. 

Chapter XIII. — Savage Warfare. 

Generals Washington and Greene on British savagery. — 
The evidence of Xorthern savagery furnished by the War 
Records. — Prisoners allowed to freeze ; they were shot ; they 
were gagged ; they were shackled ; they were hand-cuffed ; 
negro guards were preferred for the prisoners ; they were fed 
on rotten corn meal and pickles ; they were kept, when sick, 
"in wards reeking with filth and foul air". — Principal citizens 
in localities notified that they and their property would be 
held responsible for any damage done to neighbors who were 
traitors to their States ; for any damage done by unknown per- 
sons to Railroads of which the invaders had robbed their- 
ovuiers; for the killing of any bummer who might be found 
robbing Southern families. — Private families robbed, of 
money, jewelry, plate, clothing. — President Johnson's dwell- 
ing in Tennessee converted into a "negro brother'. 

Chapter XIV. — Respect for Private Property and- 

Cornwallis, Halleck and Sherman. — Sherman's crimes in 
Fayetteville, X. C. — Butler's outrages in Xew Orleans. — 
Lincoln's claim that the "Government" had fallen heir to all 
the property belonging to a Confederate. — Military com- 
manders ordered to subsist their armies on Southern com- 
munities. — -Wholesale highway robbery ordered. — The ma- 

xviii Contents. 

rauding bands of Stougli, Grierson, Dahlgren. — Landowners 
•driven from home, and their farms seized and leased ont to 
negroes and renegades. — Dr. Francis Lieber's ''rnles of 
civilized warfare". — Grant's order to have wealthy "seces- 
sionists" robbed. — A portion of Florida devastated by Gen. 
Birney. — "Lawless pillage" the rule all through the South. — ■ 
Sherman's "glorious march to the sea". — Sheridan's war on 
"crows" in the Valley of Virginia. — Official murder. — Mos- 
by's men and Sheridan's incendiaries. — The soldiers of Corn- 
wallis in Xorth Carolina. — Thom. Ewing's famous order. — 
Gen. Lee robbed of his Arlington home. — ISTorth Carolina's 
cotton seized and carried off. — Southern cotton farmers rob- 
bed by the Federal Congress. 


Why chosen for a prison site. — How the prisoners were 
treated. — Removed to other localities when their health re- 
quired it. 

Chapter XVI. 

Morris Island barbarity. — The 50 Confederate officers. — 
Foster's conduct. — Xo excuse for his barbarity. — The 600 
Confederate officers. — Why they were placed on Morris Is- 
land. — X'egro guards. — Important letters and dispatches, re- 
vealing the disgTaceful treatment, destroyed. — Gen. Sam. 
Jones encouraged to believe that the U. S. authorities were 
w^illing to exchange prisoners. — Gross deception. — Foster 
shelling people who were striving to relieve the necessities of 
F. S. prisoners in Charleston. — Barbarity without a parallel 
in modern times. — Condensed notes of two of these 600. 

Chapter XVII. — "Graxdly Loyal Defenders of the 


The "infamous report" that the British Governor of Xorth 
Carolina in 1775 intended to arm the slaves. — The Hessians 
■"mere slaves to a petty despot". — Expected to crush the Con- 
federacy "in a few months". — A picnic up to Manassas. — 
"The nation flew to arms", a pure fiction. — How intelligent 
defenders of constitutional government regarded the invasion 
■of the Confederacy. — The opposition of the bankers. — Re- 

Contents. xix 

spectable classes refused to enlist. — Hired substitutes. — 
The humor of the situation. — Agents of one State enlisting 
men in other States. — Men in service doff clothes, become 
apjDarent civilians, and accept bounty from agents of any 
State. — State agents down South hiring negro soldiers to 
desert and enter other service. — Exchanged prisoners 
avoid service. — Diseased men enter service on surgeons' cer- 
tificates. — "Burglars, houseburners and thieves" taken from 
prison and enlisted. — General corruption all over the Xorth. 
— "'Bounty jumpers''. — Fierce opposition to the war in many 
States. — Draft resisted. — Jerry Simpson. 

Chapter XVIII. — False Peetexses a]^d Deception". 

Seward "the most august liar in the United States". — - 
Deception. — The object of the Avar. — The perjury of aboli- 
tionists. — The ignorance or dishonesty of some Northern 
statesmen. — Charles Robinson's conscience at fault. 

Chapter XIX. — Subjugation of Xorthee^nT States. 

"Loyalty and fidelity too rare in these times". — The Xo- 
vember election in 1862. — "We can never conquer three- 
quarters of our countrymen, scattered in front, flank and 
rear". — Writ of habeas corpus suspended throughout the 
Xorth. — Forty-two regiments and two batteries sent to subju- 
gate Xew York. 

Chapter XX. — "Government of the People^, by the 
People^ for the People.^" 

The Conspiracy to defeat McClellan in Pennsylvania. 
— How it w^orked. — Military commanders ordered to send 
troops home to control the election of President. — Trumped 
up excuse for controlling the Xew York election. — Gen. But- 
ler sent to do the work planned by the conspirators. — Stan- 
ton's dismissal of an ofiicer. — The outrages in Kentucky. 

Chapter XXI. — Abraham Lincoln. 

Lincoln's extraordinary fortune. — Became an impossibil- 
ity. — Donn Piatt's picture. — What Herndon and Lamon 
said. — Percy Greg's opinion. — The "end justifies the means". 

XX Contents. 

- — Lincoln's thanks for Sherman's devastation of Georgia. — 
What the future may conclude. 

Chapter XXII. 

''This Low Estimate of Humanity Blinded Him to the 
South". — Mr. Lincoln measured Southerners by the standard 
fixed by the dishonorable office-seeking of his o^vn partisans. 
- — His invitation to Southerners to disgTace themselves. — 
Grant equally ignorant. 

Chapter XXIII. — The Mokeis Island Prisoners. 

ISTorth Carolina's share.- — W. H. Kitehin put in a felon's 
cell for cutting buttons off the coat of an oath-taker. — "The 
most worthless and unreliable fellows in the whole lot". — 
A few of the prisoners from other States. 

Chapter I. 

The history of the human race, so far as it has been pre- 
served, teaches that contact with strangers, whether so- 
cial, commercial, or hostile, has been the most potent force 
in the intellectual development of families, tribes and nations, 
and in substituting for the illiberal, selfish and cruel instincts 
of the savage those sentiments of justice, humanity and char- 
ity which are the glorious inheritance of the race's best. 
This fact explains the superiority and mastership, in war, in 
the arts, in the sciences and in civic virtues, of the peoples 
who lived on the shores of the Mediterranean ; it explains the 
result of the struggle between the Greeks and the Persians, 
between Caesar and Ariovistus, and William the Xornian and 
Harold. It explains why all the famous struggles in Eng- 
land, up to the time of the unifying influence of the steam- 
engine, the spinning- jenny and the power loom, were sec- 
tional, the enlightened Southeast against the other parts of 
the island, as English Historians assure us. It explains why 
so many people living in the secluded mountain sections of 
Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, E^orth Carolina, Georgia and 
Alabama, united with those who invaded their States in 
1861-5. And it explains this passage in D'Aubigiie's His- 
tory of the Reformation: 

"The Reformation was already spreading among the in- 
habitants of the plain (Switzerland), and beginning to ascend 
the sides of the mountains ; and the liiore ancient cantons, 
which had been as the cradle and are still the citadel of 
Switzerland, seemed in their Alpine enclosures alone to ad- 
here faithfully to the religion of their fathers. These moun- 
taineers -;^ * ^ * struggled against the Reformation 
that came to change their faith and worship, as at this very 
hour they contend against the roaring waters which tumble 
from their snow-clad hills, or against those modern notions 
and politics which have established themselves in the adjoin- 
ing cantons. They will probably be the very last to lay 
down their arms before that two-fold power which has already 
planted its standard on the adjacent hills, and is steadily 
gaining ground upon these conservative communities." 

And the history of England teaches us that, while the Cav- 

alier belonged to the class whose wealth and privileges had 
for ages enabled them to enjoy the advantages of travel and 
of intercourse with the most enlightened and refined persons 
in other lands, the Puritan had descended through many 
generations from the poor, the villain, the vassal, the slave 
of the landlord; that even his spiritual guide was, as Hume 
informs us, "a man of low birth and mean education" ; and 
that his generations of subordination to haughty masters and 
of enforced toil for others had bred in him a bitterness which 
time intensified, and a spirit of retaliation which bounrlless 
wealth and privileges could hardly mollify in the- tldrd or 
fourth geenration. He became the Israelite while the Cava- 
lier became the Egyptian whom it was his right if> '^spoil". 

Turning now to the religious side of the Puritan's life, 
which was irreconcilably antagonistic to that of the Cavalier, 
and which afflicted England with her most terrible political 
con-^ailsion, the historians have preserved for us only imper- 
fect i^ictures, and even these confuse us with their mingled 
religious and political shadings ; but, whatever their short- 
comings may be, I prefer to copy them rather than run the 
risk of appearing to misrepresent the evidence they bring us. 

Macaulay sajs: "In 1603 Queen Elizabeth died, and was 
succeeded by James of Scotland. A change, to some extent, 
had taken place in the principles and practices of the Puritans. 
The persecutions which they had undergone had been severe 
enough to irritate, but had not been severe enough to destroy. 
They had not been tamed into submission, but baited into 
savageness and stubbornness. After the fashion of oppressed 
sects, they mistook their own vindictive feelings for emotions 
of piety ; encouraged in themselves, by reading and medita- 
tion, a disposition to brood over their wrongs ; and, when 
they had worked themselves up into hating their enemies, 
imagined that they were only hating the enemies of heaven. 
In the ISTew Testament there was little, indeed, which, even 
when perverted by the most disingenious exposition, could 
seem to countenance the indulgence of malevolent passions. 
But the Old Testament contained the history of a race se- 
lected by God to be witnesses of His unity and ministers of 
His vengeance, and especially commanded by Him to do 
many things which, if done without His special command, 

would have been atrocious crimes. In such a history it was 
not diificult for fierce and gloomy spirits to find much that 
might be distorted to suit their wishes. The extreme Puri- 
tans, therefore, began to feel for the Old Testament a prefer- 
ence, which, perhajDS, they did not distinctly avow even to 
themselves, but which showed itself in all their sentiments 
and habits. They paid to the Hebrew language a respect 
which they refused to that tongue in which the discourses of 
Jesus and the epistles of Paul have come do^vn to us. They 
baptized their children by tlie names, not of Christian saints, 
but of Hebrew patriarchs and warriors". 

In Macaulay's essay on Milton, in the Edinburgh Review, 
he said these things of the Puritans : 

"They were not men of letters. "" ^ ^ The ostentatious 
simplicity of their dress, their sour aspect, their nasal twang, 
their stiff posture, their long gTaces, their Hebrew names, 
the Scriptural phrases which they introduced on every occa- 
sion, their contempt for human learning, tlieir detestation of 
polite amusements, were indeed fair game for laughers. * * * 
Instead of catching occasional glimpses of the Deity through 
an obscuring veil, they aspired to gaze full on the intolerable 
brightness, and to commune with Him face to face. ""^ "'^ * 
The very meanest of them ^ ^ had been destined, before 
heaven and earth were created, to enjoy a felicity which 
should continue when heaven and earth should have passed 
away. Events which shortsighted politicians ascribed to 
earthly causes had been ordained on his account. For his 
sake empires had risen and flourished and decayed". 

In a work entitled "God in the Mount, Or, A Parliamen- 
tarie Chronicle," whereof the title page has been lost, this 
remarkable manifestation of Divine justice appears : 

"On the 20th day of June, 1643, one Mistris Haughton 

wife to Master William Haughton of Prickmarsh within the 

Parish of Kirkham in Lefield in Lancaster, was delivered 

of a childe still-borne, which had no head, but yet having two 

eares, two eyes, and a mouth in the brest of it, the hands 

turning backwards to the elbowes, with a cleft down the back 
******** If * -:f 

"^'The parents of this Monster are notorious Papists. * * 
But that which is most remarkable herein, and clearly demon- 
strates this prodigious birth to be a direct judgment of the 

Lord for desperate malignity against the Lord's choice ones, 
is this", &c. 

Hume says (voL TV, p, 285) that the Puritan of King 
James's time delivered "familiar addresses to his Maker, of 
whom he believed himself the peculiar favorite". 

Rev. John Robinson's last sermon, which was intended to 
give the PilgTims the determining incentive to embark for 
'New England, was founded on I Samuel, XXIII, 3-4 : 

"And David's men said unto him, 'Behold, we be afraid 
here in Judah : how much more then if we come to Keilah 
against the armies of the Philistines V 

"Then David enquired of the Lord yet again. And the 
Lord answered him and said, 'Arise, go down to Keilah ; for 
I will deliver the Philistines into thine hand' ". 

Berard's History of England says of the struggle against 
Charles I: "There were nearly as many preachers as soldiers 
in the parliament's army, and much time was spent in listen- 
ing to sermons and attending prayer meetings. The Puri- 
tans looked upon their enemies as Amalekites, Philistijies, 
and idolaters, whom they, as God's chosen people, were com- 
missioned to punish and overthrow". 

C. B. Taylor's History of the United States informs us 
that the Puritans claimed JSTew England as their "inheri- 
tance", from which it was their duty to "drive out the heath- 
en" ; that they came over "in the ark which God in His provi- 
dence had directed them to prepare" ; and that they came 
"for the glory of God and the advanceiuent of the Christian 
faith". "Their trust", says Taylor, "was in Him who hath 
said to His chosen, 'The eternal God is thy refuge, and un- 
derneath are the everlasting arms : and He shall thrust out the 
enemy from before thee; and shall say, Destroy them' ". 

Now taking this picture along with us, let us follow il.e 
Puritan emigTants to Xew England, and compare their relig- 
ious pretensions and their moral code in their new home with 
what they were in the old one. 

The first comers were called "Separatists", because they 
had formally withdrawn from the established church : but 
they preferred to be recognized as Pilgrims — a Pilgrim, as 
Boyer informs us, being "a devout traveler to some holy 
place" — ; their original home was jSTorwich in the county 
of ISTorfolk in the eastern part of England ; at first they sought 

a place of rest and religious peace in Holland ; but in 1620 one 
hundred of them came to Massachusetts, and settled at Ply- 
mouth. Three years before thev came a plague broke out 
among the Indians in the eastern part of Massachusetts, and 
almost destroyed them, so that there "was no one to oppose 
their settling there. Referring to this C. B. Taylor says in 
his History of the United States : 

''Intinite wisdom directed their course to their prepared 
habitation. We have heard with our ears, O God, our fath- 
ers have told us, how thou didst drive out the heathen wi'li 
thy hand, and plant them". 

One of the first significant regulations they established 
was to have everything in common — all the food belonging to 
the Colony in one storehouse, to which each family had access 
without money and without price. It was soon discovered, 
however, that even saints will not labor for bread and meat 
unless there is some compulsion; and after a two years' trial 
a parcel of ground was assigned to each family. Thereafter, 
we are told in Frost's History of the United States, "no gen- 
eral want of food w^as experienced". 

There was, however, terrible suffering the first winter ard 
a fearful mortality among these Pilgrims, and about half 
of them perished ; of which Taylor informs us that ''the 
ancient writers intimate that this mortality appears to have 
been the means, under a wise Providence, of preserving the 
colony from perishing by famine". 

This close relationship l:)etween the Puritan and his ]\[aker 
furnishes us a key to the solution of many interesting ques- 
tions which arise as we contemplate the progress of -events 
in the career of that remarkable people. For example, while 
the heavens declared the glory of God and the firmament was 
showing His handiwork, the hills and valleys and streams 
of ^ew England were ever-present testimonials of that Fath- 
erly care which had plagued the heathen and provided a 
refuge for His persecuted children ; and the consequent grate- 
ful contemplation of such objects may account for that prefer- 
ence for names as shown in Bull Run, Antietam, Chicka- 
mauga, and Pittsburg Landing instead of Manassas, Sharps- 
burg, Lee and Gordon's Mills, and Shiloh. But more inter- 
esting than this is the fact that a customary pious appeal to 
their Maker has been misunderstood and denounced bv their 

enemies as profane swearing, and the ignorant or scornful 
French adopted the words of the prayer as their name for an 
Englishman. And the study of the ways of the Creator 
which this close relationship permits has led to the astound- 
ing discovery that the divine government adjusts itself to 
the changes in the moods and plans of men. Our attention 
was first called to this by the President of Bowdoin Collegi;, 
Brunswdck, Maine, when in a sermon delivered in Xew 
Haven, Connecticut, in March, 1905, to the students of Yale 
College, he said : ''The original prohibitionists got their mes- 
sage from God, and wrote it in the Constitution of some 
States ; but where are they now ? God has left them, and 
they are fighting a losing battle. ^ " And so with the 
race question. The abolitionist proved himself a Christian, 
and the 'reconstrutionist' did a good work. But we are 
coming to understand the delicacy of the situation as they 
did not", &c. Or, enlarging the view, God was with them 
when they burnt witches, expelled Roger Williams, enslaved 
Indians, gave rum for black men on the coast of Africa, &c. ; 
but He has changed His mind. 

But these Pilgrims were not consistent; their reliance on 
their Maker did not prevent them from turning again some- 
times to the weak and beggarly elements; they sought the 
protecting friendship of Massasoit, and with him entered into 
an offensive and defensive alliance, which, the histories tell 
us, he was faithful to for fifty years. 

This colony, however, while continuing to exert a marked 
influence in jSTew England affairs, soon became insignifi- 
cant in numbers. Settlements were made at Dover (1623), 
Charlestown (162S), Salem (1629), Boston (1630), ^Yind- 
sor (1633), Saybrook (1635), and at Hatfield and Prov- 
idence (1636) ; and by this time there were more than 
twenty thousand Puritans in Xew England, these dispers- 
ions being the fruits of the bitter feuds which always 
distinguish ignorant intolerance, such as that which 
drove Poger Williams to Ehode Island, and twice droA^e 
William Blackstone to seek peace in the woods. Williams 
was driven from Salem because he was guilty of the 
heresy, as Bancroft informs us, that "the civil magistrate 
should restrain crime, but never control opinion ; should ])uu- 
ish guilt, but never violate the freedom of the souF'. It drove 

Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, also, along with many others, out of 
Boston because they taught with persistence that "justifica- 
tion is of faith and not of works," the charge of heresy being 
strongly sup]3orted by the suspicion of their sanctimonious 
accusers that they were sitting in the seats of the scornful — • 
the suspicion being unavoidable, since their preachers, while 
inculcating the doctrine that faith is essential to justification, 
seemed to be basing their hopes of salvation on "their sour 
aspect, their nasal twang, their stifl" posture, their long graces, 
their Hebrew names, the Scriptural phrases which they intro- 
duced on every occasion, their contempt for human learn- 
ing", their prayers "in tlie corners of the streets", and the 
"posture or cringe" which Bacon says "cannot but move deris- 
ion in worldlings." And it drove from old England thou- 
sands of others who preferred a wilderness to a country 
where they could not rule and were willing to be ruled. 

This picture of Puritanism of the days of James I and of 
the early years of Charles I is sufiiciently complete, in its out- 
line, features and coloring, to guide us in forming a just 
judgmeut of the spirit and temper of the sect; but of its pur- 
poses, if indeed w"e can credit it with any well-defined pur- 
pose, our conception would be imperfect if we failed to go 
back to its original home, and follow it in its course till it 
ceased to be a disturber of the peace. 

AYhile the settlement of Xew England was going on, there 
were springing up in the Puritan body several dissident fac- 
tions, as Levelers, Antinomians and Millenarians, or Fifth- 
Monarchy men, of whom Hume's picture is perhaps as satis- 
factory as any we can find. "Every man", he says, "had ad- 
justed a system of religion, which, being, derived from no tra- 
ditional authority, was peculiar to himself; and, being 
founded on supposed inspiration, not on any principles of 
human reason, had no means besides cant and low rhetoric, by 
which it could recommend itself to others. The Levelers in- 
sisted on an equal distribution of power and property. * * 
The Millenarians required that government itself should be 
abolished, and all human powers be laid in the dust, in order 
to pave the way for the dominion of Christ, whose second 
coming they suddenly expected. The Antinomians even in- 
sisted that the obligations of morality and natural law were 
suspended, and that the elect, gnided by an internal princi-. 


pie more perfect and divine, were superior to the beggarly 
elements of justice and humanity. * * * Even those among 
the republicans (Puritans) who adopted no such extrava- 
gances, were so intoxicated with their own saintly character, 
that they supposed themselves possessed of peculiar privi- 
leges; and all professions, oaths, laws, and engagements had, 
in a gTeat measure, lost their influence over them". 

Such were the factional diiferences of Puritanism as they 
appear to us from one view-point; but there was another 
line of cleavage which made its appearance near the close of 
the struggle with Charles I, the bone of contention being the 
form of church government which should supersede the state 
church. Most of the Puritans insisted on government by 
elders, or presbyters (a word which has been corrupted into 
priests) ; but a small faction advocated the independence of 
each separate church, or body of believers. The head of this 
faction was Oliver Cromwell, perhaps the ablest man in 
England at that time, the man who became the guide of the 
Puritans in the later years of their contest with their king, 
and who, Carlyle said, was "always a year older than the 

"The divisions", says Berard, "between the Presbyterians 
and the Independents were becoming daily (1644) more 
marked. The Independents accused the Presbyterians of 
mismanaging the war, and, moreover, of a desire to continue 
it, that they might keep the powers of government in their 
own hands" ; and Hume, giving some particulars of a solemn 
fast which had been ordered by the parliament, says : "On 
that day the preachers, after many political prayers, took 
care to treat of the reigning divisions in the parliament, and 
ascribed them entirely to the selfish ends jnirsued by the mem- 
bers. In the hands of these members, they said, are lodged 
all the considerable commands of the army, all the lucrative 
offices in the civil administration : and while the nation is 
falling every day into poverty, and gToans under an insu]^era- 
ble load of taxes, these men multiply possession after posses- 
sion, and will in a little time be masters of all the wealth of 
the kingdom. That such persons, who fatten on the calami- 
ties of their country, will ever embrace any effectual measure 
for bringing them to a period, or insuring final success to 

the war, cannot reasonably be expected". The unanimity 
with which these views were presented in many, if not all, of 
the churches, led Sir Henry Yane, Hume says, to tell the 
commons that "so remarkable a concurrence could proceed 
only from the immediate operation of the Holy Spirit". 

The result was that an act was passed relieving all mem- 
bers of parliament of their military offices ; but on the day 
when resignations were to be handed in, Cromwell was con- 
veniently absent, and his brilliant victory over the king's 
forces at Xaseby, which took place soon afterwards, served 
to prevent any demand for his compliance with the law. Be- 
ing thus freed from any interference with his plans by offi- 
cers who were in sympathy with the majority faction, he 
acquired undisputed control of all the military forces ; and, 
after four years of successful war against the king, he expelled 
by miltary force from the house of commons all the Presby- 
terians, who constituted a very large majority, leaving only 
a Rump Parliament of fifty Independents, thus illustrating 
the social law that the man who controls the military arm of 
the government, even if a representative of a small minority 
of the people, can substitute "military necessity" for the 
fundamental law of the land, and coerce obedience to his 

Cromwell's expulsion of those hypocrites, while due to what 
he considered the necessities of the situation, was perhaps 
hastened by his disgiist at the base cori'uption which could 
clothe itself in a garb of piety and patriotism in order to 
conceal its execrable greed. 

Soon after this "purging" of parliament, Charles was 
brought to the block ; and the government — the Common- 
wealth — went into the hands of Cromwell, as Lord Protector, 
where it remained till his death in 1658. After this event 
there were two years of such disorder and factional confusion 
that the disgust of the majority of the people, who were not 
j)rofiting by the miseries of the country, led them to welcome 
the restoration of the monarchy and the state church ; and af- 
terwards Puritanism ceased to be a power in politics or re- 
ligion everywhere except in Tv^ew England and in the new 
States of the West and l^orthwest ; and here, it must be borne 
in mind, they had not shared in the restraining, civilizing 


and liberalizing inflnences which experience had brought to 
the Puritians in England. 

Having now given the evidence on which we may base 
our opinion of the character of the first settlers of Xew Eng- 
land, their religious convictions, their views of life and its 
duties, and their recognition of the rights of those not of 
their household, my purpose requires me to turn to the 
Southern Colonists, and present such facts as to their origin, 
character, kc, as will enable the reader to institute a just 
comparison between them and the Puritans of I^ew England. 
It is worth while, however, to add parenthetically the follow- 
ing statement which Frost copies from Robertson, as it throws 
light on an interesting peculiarity of the Puritan faith. It 
refers to the Pequod war : 

"The march of the troops from Massachusetts, which 
formed the most considerable body, was retarded by the 
most singular cause that ever influenced the operations of a 
military force. When they were mustered, previous to their 
departure, it was found that some of the ofiicers, as well as 
of the private soldiers, were still under a covenant of works ; 
and that the blessing of God could not be implored, "or ex- 
pected to crown the arms of such unhallowed men with suc- 
cess. The alarm was general, and many arrangements neces- 
sary in order to cast out the unclean were adopted, and to 
render this little band sufficiently pure to fight the battle of a 
people who entertained high ideas of their own sanctity". 

The Cavaliers — a name which for more than a century was 
in the minds of the uninformed in the North applied indis- 
criminately to Southerners — were descended from warriors, 
statesmen and clergymen who had for generations shared in 
shaping the state and church policies of England ; their wealth 
and social standing had enabled them to enjoy the enlighten- 
ing and refining influences of travel and of intercourse with 
strangers ; their self-interest constrained them to favor stable 
and just government; and pride of ancestry was their incen- 
tive to obedience to the most honorable ideals of their time. 
They were religious bigots, it is true ; but so were all classes of 
people in their day. But they had read of the conversions 
of the Aztecs and the Peruvians, of Alva's missionary cani- 
]iaigiis in the l^etherlands, of the burning of Bruno and 


Jerome of Prague, of the fires their ancestors liad Ivindled 
at Smitlifield, and of the burning of Latimer and Ridley; 
and the result was that their views of life and its duties had 
been changed, the animal in them had been humanized, and 
thej' were prepared to bring to Virginia the seed which sprang 
up in their fertile soil and bore as fruit separation of church 
and state, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press. And 
it was thej who gave to the colonies a AVashington, a Jeffer- 
son, a Madison, a Henrv Lee, and other able statesmen and 

Such were the early settlers of Virginia, and, although her 
population was gradually increased by additions from other 
colonies and other countries, the domination of these settlers 
in the political, social and religious life of the State was never 
seriously threatened. 

Into the other Southern colonies men came from England, 
Scotland, Ireland, France, Germany, Switzerland, Moravia, 
and other countries where the regulations of church or state 
rendered life disagreeable. Some were Catholics, some were 
Protestants, some were Calvinists, some were Armiuians, 
some were Quakers, some were Lutherans, some were Huss- 
ites, and a few were Jews ; and the travels of these people 
and their intermingiings with strangers and with one another 
brought about a spirit of tolerance in the Southern colonies 
which gave the most charming coloring to that social life in 
the South which was the admiration of visitors, although it 
would have been held by John Endicott or Cotton Mather 
as incontrovertible proof of impiety. And, moreover, the 
interchanges of experiences and of the resulting views of life 
produced in the South that nobler type of man of whom Ed- 
mund Burke said one hundred and thirty years ago, "These 
people of the Southern colonies are much more strongly, and 
with higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to liberty 
than those to the J^orthward" ; and of whose descendants the 
late Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, after a life-time of 
inherited bitterness, said in a speech shortly before his death : 

"Although my life politically and personally has been a 
life of almost constant strife with the leaders of the Southern 
people, yet as I grow older I have learned not only to respect 
and esteem but to love the great qualities which belong to uiy 
fellow-citizens of the Southern States. They are a noble 


race. We may well take pattern from them in some of the 
great virtnes which make np the strength as they make the 
glories of the free State. Their love of home ; their chival- 
rous resjDect for women ; their courage ; their delicate sense of 
honor; their constancy, which can abide by an opinion or a 
purpose or an interest for their States through adversity and 
through prosperity, thro' years and through the generations, 
are things by which the more mercurial ^orth may take a les- 
son. And there is another thing — covetousness, corruption, 
the low temptation of money, has not yet found any place in 
our Southern politics". 

To this comjDarison of the Southerner with the Northerner 
it is important to add that while the schools of the South were 
taught ' by Scotchmen, Irishmen and Englishmen, and the 
seekers after college education in all the early years went to 
Harvard, Yale and other Xorthern seats of higher learning, 
thus enjoying the best opportunities for liberalizing enlight- 
einnent, the children of the Xorth were entrusted to female 
teachers — "the schoolmarms" — whose place in social life 
denied them the liberalizing influences of the rough-and- 
tumble struggles of the out-door world, who were, as they are 
everywhere, the conservative element of the human race, and 
wlio per])etuated down the generations the likes and dislikes 
of their mothers ; and when a college education was sought, 
Plarvard and Yale were at their doors, so that the narrow 
views of life inherent in a self-conceited provincialism unfit- 
ted the graduates for dealing justly and fairly with the great 
questions which the progress of events forced upon the states- 
manship of the United States. 

Such were the ]3eople whose adherence to sinful practices 
grieved the souls of their pious Xew England guardians, and 
whose obstinate "arrogance", as Allen Thorndike Rice called 
it, aroused "the conscience of the Xorth'\ and brougli*' on 
themselves the wrath of the elect. 

And such are the people who some day may be implored 
tc aid against the poor and the oppressed in the Xorth a\ Ikmi 
they rise up against the possessors of that wealth whicli has 
been wrung from the South by iniquitous Federal laws, in- 
cluding her portion of the $0,000,000,000 which, up to date, 
her subjugation has cost. 



From the foregoing general comparison of the Sontherner 
Avith the JN^ortherner I proceed to select some of the most 
interesting and decisive testimony which mnst gnide ns in 
forming onr opinions of the characteristics and distinguish- 
ing moral codes of the dwellers in the two sections. 

Teeatmeistt of Indians. 


In Lawson's History of ]Srortli Carolina two important 
statements are made : 

1. The first is abont the disposition of the Indians, as 
follows : 

'^'They are really better to ns than we are to them ; they 
always give ns victuals at their quarters : ^ " we do not 
so by them. * "^ We daily cheat them in every thing we 
sell, and esteem it a gift of Christianity not to sell to them so 
cheap as we do to the Christians, as we call ourselves. Pray, 
let me know where is found one sacred command or precept of 
our master, that counsels us to such behavior ? Besides, I 
believe it will not appear but that all the wars which we have 
had with the savages, were occasioned by the unjust dealings 
of the Christians towards them. I can name more than a 
few, which my own enquiry has given me a right understand- 
ing of, and I am afraid the remainder (if they come to the 
test) will prove themselves birds of the same feather." 

2. And of the intercourse of the whites and Indians in 
Carolina up to about 1Y08, he says : 

"Moreover, it is remarkable that no place on the continent 
of America has seated an English colony so free from blood- 
shed as Carolina, but all the others have been more damaged 
and disturbed by the Indians than they have ; which is worthy 
of notice when we consider how oddly it was first planted 
Avith inhabitants". 

Xow turn to Moore's Xotes on the History of Slavery in 
Massachusetts, to Hildreth's History of the United States, 
or to any other competent and trustworthy authority, and we 



learn that John Endicott^ who was Governor and Depnty- 
Governor of Massachusetts from 1641 to 1665, with occa- 
sional intervals, made an expedition in 1636 against the 
Block Island and the Pequod Indians which was so inhuman 
and so barbarous that the outraged Indians rose up against 
the whites in what the books call the Pequod War; that in 
1661 a colony of jSTew Englanders settled near the mouth of 
the Cape Fear River, and having been entrusted with the 
education of a number of Indian children whom they prom- 
ised to send to Xew England schools, shipped them off to the 
slave market in the West Indies; and that about 1676 the lse\y 
Englanders exterminated the tribe which under Massasoit, 
its chief, had befriended them for a half-century when they 
sorely needed a friend, killing six-hundred men and one 
thousand women and children in one battle, and selling the 
survivors as slaves, one of these being the nine-year old grand- 
son of Massasoit, who was disposed of in this way after "two 
distinguished preachers. Rev. Samuel Arnold, of Marshfield, 
and Rev. John Cotton, of Plymouth. * * * lia^j said, 
'Butcher him' ". 

These atrocities, to which the history of the Southern 
colonies contains no parallel, could find their justification in 
no code of morals except that which warranted the crimes of 
the Spaniards in Mexico and Peru. 

A century or more after the extermination of Massasoit's 
tribe (Alice Earle's ''Customs and Fashions in Old I^ew 
England" informs us) the Rev. Peter Thacher (born in 
Milton, Mass., 1752) bought an Indian girl for fifty pounds, 
and being "a kindly gentleman and good Christian", or, as 
Alden tells us, being "prominent in local learned societies and 
philanthropy", he "took a good walnut stick and beat her" 
till she promised to obey him. 

But we need not be surprised at these cruelties when we 
read the following extract from a letter written about 1615 
by Emanuel Downing to John Winthrop, his brother-in-law : 

"A warr with the Xarragansett is verie considerable to 
this plantation, for I doubt whither yt be not synne in vs, 
having power in our hands, to suffer them to maynteyne the 
worship of the devill, which their paw wawes often do ; 21ie, 
if upon a Just warre the Lord should deliver them into our 
hands, we might easily have men, women and children enough 


to exchange for Moores, which will be more gayneful pilladge 
for us than we conceive. * * And I suppose you know 
verie well how we shall maynteyne 20 Moores cheaper than 
one English servant". 


In 1658, some Quakers, having migrated to Massachusetts 
because they supposed that religious liberty was a distin- 
guishing feature of the system of government established 
there by the persecuted Puritans, a law^ was enacted in Boston 
expelling them from the colony, and providing that if any 
one returned he should be punished, as follows : 

1. For the first oifense, he should be flogged and im- 
prisoned ; 

2. For the second offense, his ears should be cut off ; 

3. For the third offense, his tongue should be bored 
through with a red-hot iron ; and 

4. For the fourth offense, he should suffer death. 

In the execution of this law John Endicott shocked the 
civilized people in England and in the Colonies, and his 
butchery of four Quakers was severely denounced by 
Charles 11. 

Religious Discipline. 

In Haw^thorne's ''Legends of the Province House" he gives 
this picture of John Endicott's method of converting un- 
believers : 

''In close vicinity to the sacred edifice — 'meeting house' — 
ajDpeared that important engine of Puritanic authority the 
whipping post, with the soil around it well-trodden by the 
feet of evil-doers who had there been disciplined. At one 
corner of the meeting-house was the pillory and at the other 
the stocks, and, by a singular good fortune for our sketch, 
the head of an Episcopalian and suspected Catholic was 
grotesquely encased in the former machine, wliile a fellow- 
criminal who had boisterously quaffed a health to the king 
was confined by the legs in the latter. Side by side on the 
meeting-house steps stood a male and a female figure. The 
man was a tall, lean, haggard personification of fanaticism, 
bearing on his breast this label, 'A Wanton Gospeller', which 


betokened that lie had dared to give interpretations of Holy 
Writ unsanctioned by the infallible judgment of the civil 
and religious rulers. * * * 

"But among the crowd were several whose punishment 
would be lifelong — some whose ears had been cropped like 
those of puppy-dogs, others whose cheeks had been branded 
with the initial of their misdemeanors ; one with his nostril 
slit and seared, and another with a halter about his neck, 
wdiich he was forbidden ever to take off or to conceal beneath 
his garments". 

Teaffic with the Dutch. 

In Knickerbocker's History of ^ew York this occurs : 
"William Kieft determined to flood the streets of Xew 
Amsterdam with Indian money. This was nothing more 
nor less than strings of beads wrought out of clams, periwin- 
kles, and other shell-fish, and called wampum. These had 
formed a native currency among the simple savages, who 
were content to take them of the Dutchmen in exchange for 
13eltries. * * * jje began by paying all the servants of 
the company, and all the debts of government, in strings of 
w^ampum. * * * -^ * -s- * 

"For a time, affairs went on swimmingly; money became 
as plentiful as in the modern days of paper currency, and, 
to use the popular phrase, 'a wonderful impulse was given 
to prosperity'. Yankee traders poured into the province, 
buying everything they could lay their hands on, and paying 
the worthy Dutchmen their own price — in Indian money. 
If the latter, however, attempted to pay the Yankees in the 
same coin for their tinware and wooden bowls, the case was 
altered ; nothing would do but Dutch guilders and such like 
'metallic currency.' What was worse, the Yankees intro- 
duced an inferior kind of wampum made of oyster-shells, 
with which they deluged the Province, carrying off in ex- 
change all the silver and gold, the Dutch herrings, and Dutch 
cheeses ; thus early did the knowing men of the east manifest 
their skill in bargaining the Xew-Amsterdamers out of the 
oyster, and leaving them the shell". 

North Caroling Stale Libraf^^^^ (®^^„l^ri.a 

Raieiqh .^ ^ ,^ 

Ingratitude and Lust of Dominion. 

It strikes lis of to-daj as remarkable that the Catholic set- 
tlers of Maryland were the first to establish religious liberty 
and invite persons of all creeds to migrate to their colony and 
assist in building a State. "Calvert", says Bancroft, ''deserves 
to be ranked among the most wise and benevolent lawgivers 
of all ages. He was the first * * * to advance the 
career of civilization by recogiiizing the rightful equality of 
all Christian sects". This invitation was accepted by many ■ 5 4 
ISTew Englanders who were anxious to leave a land where life •>y ^ 
was embittered by wars with the Pequods and fierce confiicts o i^ 

with Roger Williams and Anne Hutchinson ; and in a few J^ ^ 
years the Catholics were outnumbered by these and other im- |J)^ -^ 
migrants. When Clayborne became aware of this fact, he ^"^ ^^ 
renewed his rebellion against the government of the Calverts, ^^ 
and, the Puritans uniting with him, he overthrew it. These |^ HJ 
pious Christians then, in an assembly of the victorious party, ^^ ^ 
deprived the Catholics of all civil rights — outlawed them. 
But in a few years internal wrangles in this Puritan body 
brought about the same result in Maryland as they did in 
England : the victims of their rage became their political 

Political Corruption. 

'■'A new book on Rhode Island by Mr. Richman", says the 
Springfield Republican, "gives evidences of generations of 
corruption, of which the following passages present the 
salient facts : 

"As early as 1649 it was found necessary by Providence 
Plantations to pass an act in restraint of fraudulent voting; 

"In 1666 (under the charter) a penalty of five pounds was 
prescribed against voting on the part of persons who were not 
freemen ; 

"Between 1710 and 1750 — the paper money era — fraudu- 
lent voting and bribery were practiced with extreme boldness ; 

"Throughout the period of the Hopkins-Ward controversy, 
which did not end until 1768, votes (especially in ISTarragan- 
sett) were bought quite systematically; and 

"In 1790 ratification of the Federal Constitution is said to 


have been secured through purchased votes, those of delegates 
from 'back towns' ". 


In Knickerbocker's I^ew York jSTew England Witchcraft 
is touched on, the salient points being as follows : 

"What is particularly worthy of admiration is, that this 
terrible art which has baffled the studies and researches of 
philosophers, astrologers, theurgists, and other sages, was 
chiefly confined to the most ignorant, decrepit, and ugly 
old women in the community, with scarce more brains than 
the broomsticks they rode upon, * * * jj^ the present 
instance, whoever was troubled with colic or lumbago was 
sure to be bewitched — and, woe to any unlucky old woman 
who lived in the neighborhood. 

"It is incredible the number of offences that were detected, 
'for every one of which,' says the Kev. Cotton Mather, in that 
excellent work, the History of 'New England, ^we have such 
a sufficient evidence that no reasonable man in this whole 
country ever did question them ; and it will be unreasonable 
to do it in any other'. * * * * 

"The worthy judges * * * finding that neither ex- 
hortation, sound reason, nor friendly entreaty had any avail 
on these hardened offenders, resorted to the more urgent 
arguments of torture; and having thus absolutely ^^Tung the 
truth from their stubborn lips, they condemned them to 
undergo the roasting due unto the heinous crimes they had 
confessed. Some even carried their perverseness so far as 
to expire under the torture, protesting their innocence to the 
last; but these were looked upon as thoroughly and absolutely 
possessed by the devil, and the pious bystanders only la- 
mented that they had not lived a little longer, to have per- 
ished in the flames". 


To the modern reader who has accepted the sectional mis- 
representations of the last half -century as historical verities 
a comparison of the jSTortherner with the Southerner will be 
unsatisfactory unless it locates the responsibility for African 
slavery in the United States, since that has been regarded as 
the Pandora's box which was opened when the States entered 
into a Eederal Compact. 

Hence, omitting references to the South's well-known 
responsibility in the premises, I present here the evidence 
on which a fair decision can be based : 

1. In 1638 the Salem slave-ship, the ''Desire", brought 
into ]\rassachusetts a number of negroes, and found ready 
sale for them. This 'Svas not a private individual specula- 
tion", says Moore ("^otes on the History of Slavery in 
Massachusetts") ; "it was the enterprise of the authorities 
of the colony". 

2. In 1639 an African queen had been brought across 
the waters and sold to "Mr. Maverick", as we are informed 
in Joselyn's Account of Two Voyages to Xew England ; and 
Mr. Maverick undertook to compel her to raise him an im- 
proved breed of slaves. "This she took in high disdain 
beyond her slavery". 

3. In 1643 the Colonies of Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, 
Connecticut, and Xew Haven formed a Confederation, agree- 
ing among other stipulations to mutually surrender fugitive 

4. In 1641, says Hildreth, "Massachusetts adopted her 
Body of Liberties, which "recognized and authorized the 
slavery of such " * strangers "^ * as are sold unto 

5. 1676 was the year when Massasoit's nine-year old 
grandson was shipped to Bermuda and sold as a slave. 

6. In 1796 John Dorsey advertised two runaway slaves 
in the Boston Mercury ("Young and Minis, Printers"), stat- 
ing that the reward he offered for their capture and return 
to him should include "what the law allows". This was 



sixteen years after the "powerful civilization" of Massachu- 
setts, as was arrogantly asserted by Senator Sumner in his 
debate with Senator Butler, of South Carolina, in June, 
1854:, had "exterminated every vestige of slavery within her 

But African slaves proved to be unprofitable in the ISTorth- 
ern States, and negro children in Massachusetts were "given 
away like puppies", as Moore informs us ; but that the decay 
of slavery was due to the boasted superior humanity of that 
section is disproved by the fact that much of the shipping of 
the jSTorthern States was emjiloyed in the African slave-trade 
all the years from 1638 to 1862. In 1861 the Nightingale, 
of Boston, commanded by Francis Bowen, was captured on 
the African coast with 961 negroes on board and "expecting 

And that the business was not conducted in the dark we 
are assured by the fact that in October, 1905, according to 
the jSTew York Evening Post, an insurance policy had been 
shown to a gentleman in that city which was issued to a Xew 
England Company, about 1860, on a cargo of slaves. 

In Thomas Prentice Kettell's "Southern Wealth and 
I^orthern Profits" he says : The Duke de Larochefoucauld- 
Liancourt, traveling in the United States in 1795, remarks 
(Voyage dans les Etats Unis) : "Nearly 20 vessels from the 
harbors of the Northern States are employed in the importa- 
tion of negroes to Georgia and the West India Isles. * * 
They ship one negro for every ton burden" — a box five feet 
long, five feet high and four feet wide being a ton. 

The African slave-trade, as we are informed by Bancroft, 
Spears (American Slave-Trade), Dubois (Suppression of 
the Slave-Trade) and others, was characterized by treachery, 
murder, war and revolting brutalities, the "horrors of the mid- 
dle passage" almost surpassing belief, although one respect- 
able elder in New Port, Alice Earle tells us in "Customs and 
Fashions in Old New England", was in the habit of returning 
thanks at next Sunday's meeting after the arrival of a cargo 
of slaves from Africa, "because a gracious overruling Provi- 
dence had been pleased to bring to this land of freedom 
another cargo of benighted heathen t;) enjoy the blessings of 
a Gospel dispensation." 


And the jjious intentions of those people is manifest from 
the following incident: 

When the right to continue the slave trade till 1808 was 
agreed npon, the opponents of the traffic, including Virginia, 
secured the addition of a proviso that Congress might impose 
a tax of ten dollars for each slave imported ; but when, in the 
first Congress, Bland, of Virginia, made a motion to levy this 
tax, so as to discourage the traffic, it was opposed hj 'New 
Englanders, Roger Sherman, of Connecticut, taking the lead. 

An interesting picture of this phase of New England life, 
as given to the newspapers by Mr. George Merriam, will 
obviate the necessity of further search among the records. 
He says : 

"l!^ew England had little use for slaves at home, but for 
slave ships she had abundant use. With sterile soil, and with 
the sea at her doors swarming with edible fish and beckoning 
to her sails, her hardy industry found its best fields on the 
ocean. The fisheries were the foundation of her commerce. 
The thrifty Yankee sold the best of his catch in Europe ; 
the medium quality he ate himself; and the worst he sent 
to the West Indies to be sold as food for slaves. With the 
proceeds the skipper bought molasses, and carried it home, 
where it was turned into rum ; the rum went to Africa and 
was exchanged for slaves ; the slaves were carried to the West 
Indies, Virginia and the Carolinas. Rum and slaves, two 
chief staples of Xew England trade and sources of its 
wealth", &c. 

But I deem it due to my readers to inform them that, after 
the House of Representatives of the first session of the first 
Congress had agreed upon a tariff tax of six cents per gallon 
on imported molasses, the Xew England Senators, assisted by 
Vice-President Adams, succeeded by methods which ]\Iaclay 
(Journal) says were discreditable in having it reduced to 
three cents ; and afterwards, as the act shows, they got it down 
to two and one-half cents — a reduction which Maelay omit- 
ted to record.^' 

The amount of wealth brought to Xew England bv the 

(a) To avoid the suspicion that I am misrepresenting Maclay's 
Journal, I quote a few passages: "1789, Apr. 27. * * * * I went 
after this to hear the debate in the House of Representatives. The 
duty of six cents had been reported by the Committee on Molasses. 
The partiality of the New England members to this article was now 


slave-trade lias never found its way into the records ; but it 
must have been immense. Many of the vast fortunes which 
have enabled many of her proud families to live in luxury 
for generations owed their origin to this trade, and no doubt 
this "tainted money" can be now traced to the foundations of 
numerous monuments of the munificence of her distinguished 
citizens. Faneuil Hall, for example, the famous "cradle" in 
which "liberty" was rocked was erected in 1Y42 and presented 
to Boston by Peter Faneuil, who had acquired an immense 
fortune by following the slave-trade. 

Such are some of the striking facts on which a decision 
must rest as to sectional responsibility for the wrongs done 
to the negro race ; and the Southerner is content to abide by 
the decision of an impartial public. 

manifest. All from their quarter was a universal cry against it. 

"May 12. * * My business with Mr. Fitzsimmons (chairman of 
the Committee on Ways and Means) this morning was to inform him 
how much I feared the cabal of the New England members in the 
Senate; and that, if they were not gratified in some measure on their 
favorite article of molasses, they would join with every member who 
objected to any single article, and promise him gratification in his 
particular humor if he would join them. * * * * n -^as reduced 
to five. 

"May 25. * * I fear that our impost Mall be rendered in a great 
measure unproductive. This business is the work of the New Eng- 
land men. They want the article of molasses quite struck out, or, at 
least, greatly reduced; therefore, they will strike at everything 
* * * for every consiprator must be indulged. * * * 

"May 26. * * All ran smooth till we came to the molasses. 
Till quarter after three did the New England members beat this 
ground. * * * 

"May 27. * * It was plain that this matter had been agreed on 
between the Vice-President and the New England men, and in all 
probability they have got some people who voted for four yesterday 
to promise to vote for less to-day. Dalton (Mass. Senator), however, 
got up and made a long speech that some of the gentlemen are ab- 
sent, and particularly the genetlemen who moved for the four cents, 
and desired that it might be put off till to-morrow. I must declare 
this the most uncandid piece of proceeding that I have ever seen in 
the Senate. * * * 

"May 28. * * The Vice-President made a speech (after the 
Senate had agreed to four cents), which really was to me unintel- 
ligible. * * * 

"He concluded, however, that after the four cents had been car- 
ried, it was in order to move for any lower sum. Somebody whis- 
pered that he ought to get his wig dressed. Mr. Morris rose and 
declared it was with reluctance that he differed with the Chair on a 
question of order, and was beginning to argue on the subject, but 
the New England men, seeing their darling Vice-President likely to 
be involved in embarrassment for the unguarded steps he had taken 
in their favor," &c., &c. 


As Maclaj feared, the tariff act of this session was "unpro- 
ductive", and it was amended in many particulars the next 
summer, and, while the rates on many articles were increased 
and a variety of new articles placed on the dutiable list, 
molasses was run up only one half of a cent and black quart 
bottles for the rum trade remained without any tax until 


To the student of History nothing can be more confusing 
than the usually advanced explanation of sectional antagon- 
ism in the United States. This antagonism existed when 
African slavery was universal; it existed during the years 
when all the States had laws forbidding the importation of 
slaves ; it existed during all the early years when there was 
an almost unanimous desire for the discovery of a safe 
method of liberating the slaves ; and it existed while aboli- 
tionism was so detested even in Boston that William Lloyd 
Garrison, the leader in that crusade, was dragged through the 
streets of that city (1835) by a mob of '^'"gentlemn of prop- 
erty and respectability". 

What, then, could have been the cause of unfriendliness 
between the sections ? If we go back to Elliot's Debates in 
search of it, the confusion remains ; for we find the unreason- 
able explanation that it was due to differences of industries. 
Mr. Madison, after pointing out that "the staple of Mas- 
sachusetts is fish and the carrying trade ; of Pennsylvania, 
wheat and flour; of Virginia, tobacco", said: "The gTeat 
danger to our general government is the great Southern and 
JSTorthern interests of the continent being opposed to each oth- 
er". Opposed to each other ! Why should a wheat raiser be 
opposed to a fisherman, or a tobacco raiser be opposed to a 
ship owner ? But, unreasonable as it appears to be, we can- 
not suppose that Mr. Madison was wandering far from a 
truthful representation of conditions then well understood — 
that the agi'icultural South wished her products carried to 
her customers in ships which had to compete for business in 
an open market, while l^ew England wished to so adjust the 
provisions of the Constitution that monopolistic privileges 
could be granted to her shij)-owners. The demand of the 
South was that no act regulating commerce should be passed 
unless it was supported by two thirds of the members of each 
house of the Congress. This was strongly opposed by Xew 
England, and fruitless efforts were repeatedly made by her 
delegates to have the provision stricken out. At last by a 



"deal" they succeeded, with this result iu 1814, as stated 
by Carey in his Olive Branch: "The naked fact is that the 
demagogues of the Eastern States, not satisfied with deriving 
all the benefits from the Southern States, that they would 
from so many wealthy colonies — with making princely for- 
tunes by the carriage and exportation of their bulky and val- 
uable productions — and supplying them with their own man- 
ufactures, and the manufactures and productions of Europe 
and the East and West Indies, to an enormous amount, and 
at an immense profit, uniformly treated them with outrage, 
insult and injury". 

If, now, we accept as true the statement in the Olive 
Branch, which was regarded as so able and so reliable that 
it went through ten editions, we cannot avoid the suspicion 
that the real foundation of sectional antagonism was Xew 
England's assumption that, being "justified by faith without 
the deeds of the law", she could conscientiously "spoil the 

The second noted exhibition of antagonistic sectionalism 
was when Mr. Jefi^erson purchased the Louisiana Territory, 
the ground of the violent opposition to the act being honestly 
avowed by 'New England statesmen — notably George Cabot, 
Timothy Pickering and Josiah Quincy — that "the influence 
of our (j^ew England) part of the Union must be diminish- 
ed by the acquisition of more weight at the other extremity". 
Mr. Quincy went so far as to declare (in Congress) that the 
admission of Louisiana into the LTnion would "free the States 
from their moral obligation" to remain in the LTnion. 

The third sectional wrangle took place over the admission 
of another "Louisiana Territory" State ((Missouri); and, 
although this was fifteen years before the mobbing of Gar- 
rison, the trumped up excuse to imjDose on the uninformed 
was that their opposition was to "the expansion of slavery", 
as if spreading the slaves over a larger area would increase 
their numbers. 

The next recrudescence of sectionalism was produced by 
what promised to be a settled policy of the Federal govern- 
ment to confer upon the industries of the ]^orth the power 
to levy tribute on those of the South. The power to tax 
foreigTL imports was being perverted, as it is to-day, into a 


l^ower to exclude them, and give ISTorthern manufacturers the 
Southern States for a ''home market". This controversy, 
reaching its acute stage in "nullification", produced a more 
wide-spread bitterness in the South than all the previous ag- 
gressions had. 

The next outbreak of sectional antagonism was in Kansas, 
where Xew England "Emigrant Aid Companies" made war, 
not only on Southern settlers, but on military representatives 
of the United States, their professed object being to make 
Kansas a "free State" ; and this rebellion against the United 
States has been so thoroughly misrepresented in ISTorthern 
school-books, periodicals, newspapers and so-called Histories 
that it would require an impossible flood of truthful litera- 
ture to wash away the false impressions. Hence I shall 
content myself with simply showing how much "humanity" 
there was in the crusade — how much "purer" were the 
ISTorth's motives than the South's. 

1. In Rev. Dr. Edward Everett Hale's Kansas and ]^e- 
braska, published in 1854, he says: "Whether the new line 
of States shall be free States, is a question deeply interesting 
to those who are to provide the manufactures for their con- 
sumption. Especially will it prove an advantage to Massachu- 
setts if she creates the new States by her foresight — supply 
the first necessities to its inhabitants, and open in the outset 
communication between their homes and her ports and fac- 

2. In one of Lincoln's speeches against Douglas (Xicolay 
and Hay's Lincoln) he said he wanted the new Territories 
for "white men". "I am", he declared, "in favor of this not 
merely (I must say it here as I have elsewhere) for our own 
people who are born among us, but an outlet for free white 
people everywhere, the world over". 

3. William H. Seward, who afterwards was Lincoln's 
Secretary of State, delivered a speech to his Southern friends 
in the Senate in 1858, in which he said: "The white man 
needs this continent to labor upon. He must and will have 

4. After ISTorthern rebels had conquered Kansas, framed 
and adopted their Topeka Constitution, and proceeded with 


the administration of her government — thus securing an ad- 
dition to their "home market" — Robert J. Walker, a native 
of Pennsylvania and an emancipationist, was appointed Gov- 
ernor of Kansas by President Buchanan; and in his inaugu- 
ral address he said: '^'Those who oppose slavery in Kansas 
do not base their opposition upon any philanthropic princi- 
ples or any sympathy for the African race. For in their 
so-called Constitution, formed at Topeka, they deem that 
entire race so inferior and degTaded as to exclude them all 
forever from Kansas, whether they be bond or free, thus de- 
priving them of all rights here, and denying even that they 
can be citizens of the United States ; for, if they are citizens, 
they could not constitutionally be exiled or excluded from 
Kansas. Yet such a clause, inserted in the Topeka Constitu- 
tion, was submitted by that convention for a vote of the peo- 
ple, and ratified here by an overwhelming majority of the 
anti-slavery party" — the vote being 1778 to 453. And yet 
the civilized world has seldom heard such a howl as was 
made in Xew England when the United States Supreme 
Court decided in the Dred Scott case that an African slave 
did not possess the rights guaranteed in the Constitution to 
a ''citizen" of a State. 

And the hypocrisy of these people was shown in 1867, 
while their representatives in Congress were voting to subject 
the Southern States to an odious military despotism and to 
the rule of the negro and the carpet-bagger. In May of that 
year a proposed constitutional amendment to enfranchise the 
negroes was defeated by a majority of 8,938, the vote being 
nearly three to one against it. 

5. In "An Appeal to the Record" William Elsey Con- 
nelley (strong friend of John Brown) tells us that Thayer's 
"Emigrant Aid Company" "was organized for speculative 
purposes", the freeing of Kansas from the blight of slavery 
being an object of secondary and incidental consideration 
with him ; and Thayer admits as much in his "Kansas Cru- 
sade", where he says : "My original plan was, as we have 
seen, to form a business company, to be conducted on business 
principles, able to make good dividends to its stockholders 


annually, and, at its close, a full return of all the money 
originally invested." * 

6. That "humanity" was an insignificant element among 
the motives of the famous leaders of the "party of great moral 
ideas" there is abundant evidence, but none more interesting 
than the following passage from a "carefully prepared and 
studied speech of William H. Seward delivered in the Senate 
on January 12, 1861 (See Wells' "Lincoln and Seward", 
p. 211) : "I am willing to vote for an amendment to the 
Constitution declaring that it shall not by any future amend- 
ment be so altered as to confer on Congress a power to abolish 
or interfere with slavery in any State". 

7. In Charles Bancroft's Footprints of Time and Analy- 
sis of our Government he gives this reason for the subjugation 
of the Confederate States : "To allow the right of peaceable 
secession would have been ruin to the enterprise and thrift of 
the industrious laborer and keen-e^'ed business man of the 

With all this testimony in mind bearing on the question 
of "humanity" at the time when B. F. Wade, Brown and 
many other honored representatives of the party of "great 
moral ideas" were hoping to see a servile insurrection in the 
South, let us return to the early days of the Federal Union 
and ascertain, if we can, whether the ^ew Englander's con- 
cern for the welfare of the negro was the same in John Han- 
cock's days as in those of Charles Sunnier. My authorities 
are Moore and Bigelow. 

1. In 1788, while the towns of Massachusetts were suing 
each other about the support of shiftless free negroes wIkj 
were wandering from town to town, and the courts were or- 
dering them back to their home towns, the legislature of tlie 
State passed an act forbidding free negroes and mulat':ocs 
from other States (unless with satisfactory certificates in 
their pockets that they were citizens of those States) to re- 
main in her borders more than two months, providing that 
they should be flogged for disobedience of the law. 

* It seems that New England's humanitarians never lost sight 
of the dollar. In Ewing's "Northern Rebellion and Southern Seces- 
sion" we learn that as far back as ISIS "The Horrors of Slavery", 
by John Kenrick, of Boston, advocated the emancipation of all the 
slaves and their colonization in Louisiana, the object of this coloni- 
zation being that they would furnish a valuable "home market" for 
New England manufacturers and pedlers. 


2. In the preceding year (1787) the Congress of the Con- 
federation passed an Ordinance for the Government of the 
JSTorthwest Territory, in which, according to a land deal with 
the "Ohio Company of Associates" (composed almost en- 
tirely of Massachnsetts gentlemen), an anti-slavery clanse 
was added, with a proviso that fngitive slaves fonnd in the 
Territory should be delivered to their owners. 

3. This Company and the Scioto Company (composed 
mostly of Xew Yorkers) purchased 5,000,000 acres of Ohio 
land at about 8 cents per acre ; carried and settled there a 
large colony from ^ew England and ISTew York; and when 
these people organized their State government in 1802, they 
denied to colored men the right to move to Ohio from other 
States unless some responsible white man would give a satis- 
factory bond in the sum of $500 that they "should not come 
upon the town" to be supported. And as late as 1851, when 
their descendants adopted a new Constitution, the ballot was 
denied to the negro. Was this all i Xo ! In October, 
1867, these people gave a majority of 50,029 against a Con- 
stitutional amendment designed to confer the ballot upon the 
negro — the same year in which the Southern States were 
placed under the control of the negro and the "carpet-bag- 

Thus the evidence seems conclusive that demagogues, de- 
signing politicians and bounty-fed classes in the Xorth cre- 
ated and kept up a real or pretended crusade against the 
Southern slave-holder in order to i)romote ambitious schemes, 
gratify an unprovoked animosity, or conceal avaricious de- 
signs. It was during all the years up to Secession wholly of 
the "stop-thief" order, if we except a few sincere friends of 
the slave whose earnestness was usually in direct proportion 
to their ignorance of conditions in the South and of the dif- 
ficulties in the way of the emancipationist. 

It appears beyond dispute, then, that sectionalism in the 
United States was the child of a detestable avarice which 
found its justification in an offensive assumption of moral 
superiority ; and it is no stretch of the imagination to suppose 
that the entrance of the Southern States into the Union would 
have been an impossibility if the mass of the people had pre- 


vioiisly had an opportunity to learn that, as Maclay said, 
there was "very little candor in jSTew England men", and that 
they would ''cabal against and endeavor to subvert any gov- 
ernment which they have not the management of". 

A fitting conclusion to this inquiry into the causes of sec- 
tionalism is the following account of a singiilar manifestation 
of it: 

After the abolitionists of Massachusetts had caused in the 
South a "painful excitement", as President Jackson called it 
in the message of December 2, 1835, by incendiary appeals to 
the slaves and insulting circulars to their owners, the legisla- 
ture of South Carolina passed an act forbidding the freedom 
of her ports to free negroes landing there from other States, 
and providing for their imprisonment in cases of violation of 
the law, these persons being regarded as missionaries of the 
abolition organizations which were responsible for jSTat Tur- 
ner's barbarities in Virginia. 

South Carolina's excuse for this act was that first law of 
nature — self-defense — which could by no means be pleaded 
by Ohio, Indiana and Illinois ; but a few years afterwards 
(1844) the legislature of Massachusetts, representing in part 
the people who mobbed Garrison nine years before, sent Sam- 
uel Hoar to Charleston to institute proceedings to test the 
constitutionality of this exclusion act^ — an insult without a 
parallel in the intercourse of the States. Of course, the au- 
thorities of the State expelled Mr. Hoar from her borders; 
but, unfortunately he did not carry with him the bitter re- 
sentment his State had provoked in the breasts of South- 


While we are examining the records of the Revolutionary 
War for the purpose of comparing the conduct and the deeds 
of the l^ortherner with those of the Southerner in our search 
for the causes and the nature of sectionalism, we should make 
a serious mistake if we neglected to inquire into the origin of 
the war itself. In doing this, however, we cannot hope for 
thoroughly satisfactory results, because some of the occur- 
rences of that war have been studiously excluded from the 
record, and some have been so colored as to give "our side" 
the best appearance. But enough has been preserved to make 
it clear that the war began as simply a struggle between the 
British government and the commercial interests of Mas- 
sachusetts ; and that, as the late Senator Hoar admitted, the 
Southern Colonies "had not the slightest particle of personal 
interest in it" 

The following summary of events, many particulars being 
omitted, will be sufficient for our purpose : 

Ship-building began soon after the settlement of jSTew 
England to be a leading industry; and in 1727, Hildreth in- 
forms us, so many ships were built that the "shipcarpenters 
in the Thames complained that their trade was hurt, and 
their workmen emigrated". In 1733 the mother country 
imposed a tax on the sugar and molasses the ISTew England 
shippers imported from the West Indies, to be paid at the 
custom houses in Boston and other seaport towns; but this 
tax was usually evaded by smugglers, and the law was never 
strictly enforced. After the close (1764) of the French and 
Indian war the British government revived this old law and 
undertook to enforce it, the excuse being that the I^orth 
American Colonies ought to bear some of the cost of that war. 
There was a loud outcry against this measure in Boston, 
which Hildreth says was importing 30,000 hogsheads of 
molasses annually for the manufacture of rum for the slave 
trade, it being, according to Dr. Belknap (quoted in Moore's 
l^otes, &c.) "the mainspring of the traffic". After the fail- 
ure of the "stamp act" the British government in 1767 passed 



an act levying import taxes on glass, paper, painters' colors 
and tea, to be paid at the Colonial custom houses. Against 
this measure the commercial and fishing interests of Mas- 
sachusetts, owning at that time, according to Webster's 
(1820) Plymouth Address, "five hundred vessels'', raised 
an outcry which aroused the sympathies of the other Colonies ; 
and the friction caused by evasions and resistance was the 
beginning of the Eevolutionarv War. 

After the neighboring Colonies had gone to the assistance 
of Massachusetts and a prolonged contest seemed inevitable, 
it became an object of supreme importance to enlist the active 
sympathy of the Southern Colonies. Hence the Southerner 
who had most distinguished himself in military operations 
v,^as selected (on the nomination of John Adams, of Mas- 
sachusetts) to take the command of the Xew England army, 
the hope being entertained that his name and fame would 
draw others into the service. 

He accepted, went to Boston, and entered upon the conduct 
of that war in which we are now searching for evidences of 
those sectional differences which may be regarded as the 
causes of sectional antagonism. 

In ]!^ovember, 1YY5, the terms of service of most of the 
troops about Boston expiring, an effort was made to induce 
them to re-enlist; but Gen. Washington soon discovered that 
"half of the officers of the rank of captain were inclined to 
retire", and that probably their example would ''influence 
the men" ; that the privates were unwilling to re-enlist unless 
they "knew their colonel, lieutenant-colonel and captain; and 
the men from one Colony were unwilling to serve under ofii- 
cers from another." Of the disheartening situation W^ashing- 
ton wrote : ''Such dearth of i3ublic spirit ; and such want of 
virtue ; such stock-jobbing, and fertility in all the low arts 
to obtain advantage of one kind or another in this great change 
of military arrangement, I never saw before, and I pray 
God's mercy that I may never be witness to again. * '^ 
Such a mercenary spirit jDervades the whole that I should 
not be surprised at any disaster that may happen. * * 
Could I have foreseen what I have experienced and am like- 
ly to experience, no consideration upon earth should have 
induced me to accept this command". 

Commenting on Washington's estimate of the Xew Eng- 


landers, Gen. Greene wrote: ''He has not had time to make 
himself acquainted with the genius of this people. * * * 
The common people are exceedingly avaricious ; the genius 
of the people is commercial, from their long intercourse with 
trade. The sentiment of honor, the true characteristics of a 
soldier, has not yet got the better of interest". 

WashixCxTox's Disgust. 

In the autumn of 1775, v,diile Gen. Washington was labor- 
ing to secure the co-operation of Canada, having instructed 
Arnold to distribute ''addresses" during his trip to Quebec 
"to conciliate the affections of these people", and to be sure 
"to check any attempt to plunder", he fitted out two armed 
vessels and sent them to cruise in the Saint Lawrence River 
and capture any British transports which might be found 
carrying supplies to the enemy at Quebec. "But failing to 
intercejTt the brigantines, they landed on the island of St. 
Johns, plundered the house of the governor and several pri- 
vate dwellings, and brought off three of the principal inhab- 
itants prisoners" — to the everlasting disgust and mortifica- 
tion of Gen. Washington, who did all he could to atone for 
the outrage and repair the damage. 

Avarice axd Rapacity. 

On the 11th of ISTovember, 1775, while strong efforts were 
being made to draw the Southern Colonies into the war, a 
Boston privateer, the Eagle, belonging to Elijah Freeman 
Paine, captured the brigantine Joseph, belonging to Hewes 
(Joseph) & Smith (Robert), merchants of Edenton, X. C, 
as she was returning home with a valuable cargo, including 
3,000 bushels of salt, for which outrage the Provincial Con- 
gress of jSTorth Carolina demanded of Massachusetts the pun- 
ishment of "those atrocious violators of all law and justice" 
and a "full reparation and indemnification" to Messrs. Hewes 
& Smith.— X. C. Col. Recs., X, 997. 

2. In Xovember, 1776, the British brigantine Active, 
loaded with clothing for Gen. Burgoyne's army, was cap- 
tured oft' the coast of C^ape Breton by the Alfred, commanded 
by Capt. John Paul Jones. He appointed "Lieutenant 
Spooner" to take command of the prize, to proceed with all 


possible haste to Edenton, IST. C, and deliver her to ^'Robert 
Smith, Esq"., who was the partner of Joseph Hewes, through 
whose influence (he was a member of the Marine Committee 
of the first Continental Congress) Jones had received the ap- 
pointment of Senior First Lieutenant in the navy. But 
"Lieutenant Spooner" carried the prize to Dartmouth, Mas- 
sachusetts, and delivered it to his brother, who was prize 


One month after the Battle of Long Island William Hoop- 
er, one of jSlorth Carolina's delegates in the Continental Con- 
gress, wrote a confidential letter to Samuel Johnston, in 
which he compared the conduct of Southern and Eastern 
troops in that battle much to the disparagement of the latter. 
Mr. Hooper was a native of Boston, and this fact must shield 
him from any suspicion of sectional unfairness. It is a 
long letter, and it is all interesting; but we must be content 
with a few passages : "Would I could draw a veil over what 
ensued. The enemy attempted to land a body of troops 
near Haerlem where he had two brigades of Eastern forces 
stationed. Our men made way for them as soon as their 
arrival was announced. They saw, they fled, not a siugle 
man faced his enemy or fired his gun. Our brave general 
flew to the scene of action, but not a man would follow him. 
With prayers, entreaties, nay tears, he endeavored to cause 
them to rally. At one time sixty of the enemy, separated 
from the main body, had the pleasure of pursuing two com- 
plete brigades of JSTew England Heroes. * * -^ Of thir- 
teen battalions of Connecticut militia all but seven hundred 
deserted, and these he dismissed to save such a burdensome 
expense, &c., * -^ * j ^i-^^ sorry to find that my coun- 
trymen are become a byword among the nations. 'Eastern 
prowess', 'jSTation poorly', 'Camp difiiculty', are standing- 
terms of reproach and dishonor they suffer in the comparison 
with the troops to the southward of LIudson River, who have 
to a man behaved well and borne the whole brunt on Long 
Island ; and that for which the Eastern troops must be damned 
to eternal fame — they have plundered friends and foes with- 
out discrimination. * * * * 


"I am told that they (New Engiand Officers) have even 
stimulated their men to desertion to find an excuse to follow 
them; and the regimental surgeons have taken bribes to cer- 
tify sickness in order to exempt soldiers from duty. It is a 
fact that a Connecticut Militia Brigadier induced his whole 
brigade to run away, and then most bravely ran away him- 

This account of ]!^ew England prowess, which may have 
been mere hearsay, is confirmed by Gen. G-reene in a letter 
which is quoted by Irving in his life of Washington. "We", 
he said, "made a miserable, disorderly retreat from 'Hew 
York, owing to the conduct of the militia, who ran at the 
appearance of the enemy's advanced guard. Eellows' and 
Parson's brigades ran away from about fifty men, and left 
his Excellency on the ground, within eighty yards of the 
enemy, so vexed at the infamous conduct of his troops, that 
he sought death rather than life". 

Gen. Richard Montgomery's Despair. 

While Gen. Richard Montgomery (an Irishman), com- 
manding a force composed chiefly of troops from Connecti- 
cut, Xew York and jSTew Hampshire, was besieging Saint 
Johns, he was continually thwarted in his plans by the "want 
of subordination and discipline among his troops" ; and writ- 
ing about his embarrassments he said : "Were I not afraid 
the example would be too generally followed, and that the 
public service might suffer, I would not stay an hour at the 
head of troops whose operations I cannot direct. I must say 
I have no hopes of success, unless from the garrison's want- 
ing provisions". 

Southern Manhood at Charleston. 

On July 2, 1776, Gen. Charles Lee, reporting to Gen. 
Washington about the memorable repulse of Sir Henry Clin- 
ton and Sir Peter Parker, said: "I confess I. was in pain 
from the little confidence I reposed in our troops, the officers 
being all boys and the men raw recruits.. * * * The 
manifest intention of the enemy was to land, at the same 
time the ships began to fire, their whole regulars on the east 
end of the island. Twice they attempted it, and twice they 


were repulsed by a Colonel Thompson of the South Carolina 
Rangers, in conjunction with a body of Xorth Carolina Reg- 
ulars. Upon the whole, the South and Xorth Carolina troops, 
and the Virginia Rifle Battalion we have here, are admirable 

And writing of this same battle to President Pendleton, 
of Virginia, he said : * * "Col. Thompson of the South 
Carolina Rangers acquitted himself most nobly in repulsing 
the troops who attempted to land at the other end of the island. 
I know not which corps I have the greatest reason to be pleased 
with, Muhlenberg's or the Xorth Carolina troops". And 
of the men in the fort he said : "The behavior of the garrison, 
both men and officers, with Col. Moultrie at their head, I con- 
fess, astonished me". 

^ Petty Sectio^si^alism and Pluxdee. 

The selection of a Southerner as commander-in-chief was 
offensive to some of the Xew England officers, and a few of 
them, notably Gen. Stark, refused to serve under a ''continen- 
tal officer". When, therefore, in July, 1777, Gen. Schuyler 
was fleeing from Gen. Burgoyne, and sent a pressing request 
to Gen. Stark for aid, the latter refused to assist in checking 
the victorious enemy. 

The Continental Congress then interfered in the contro- 
versy, and prevailed on Stark to take command of eight hun- 
dred militia and join other bodies in defeating Col. Baum's 
Germans and Indians at Bennington on Aug. 16, 1777 — 
"upon the express condition", says Taylor, "that he should 
not be constrained to serve under a continental officer" — ; 
and after the defeat and rout of the enemy, "the militia, 
flushed with the success of the day, abandoned the pursuit, 
and gave themselves up to plunder". 

And this display of narrowness is a reminder of another 
interesting bit of sectionalism. AVhen Joseph Hewes, a mem- 
ber of the Marine Committee, was in December, 1775, urg- 
ing the apjiointment to a captaincy in the navy of Paul Jones, 
whose selection had been urged by Allen and Willie Jones, of 
ISTorth Carolina, whose surname he had adopted, a bitter and 
heated debate arose between Mr. Hewes and John Adams 
in the committee, the latter insisting that the n])i~i(iintment 


should go to Saltonstall, a Xew Engiander. Hewes was out- 
voted, and Joues was made a Lieutenant ; but Saltonstall was 
forced to retire from the navy in disgrace, as was Esek Hop- 
kins, another Xew Engiander, who was appointed comman- 
•der-in-chief of the navv. Writing about this heated debate 
Hewes said : "The attitude of Mr. Adams was in keeping 
with the always imperious and often arrogant tone of the 
Massachusetts people at that time". 


Adopting the figures in the first report of Gen. Knox, the 
first Secretary of war, and those on page 39 of the Compen- 
dium of the Census of 1850, which give us the estimated 
<?ensus of each Colony in 1775, we iind that the Xorthern 
Colonies with a population of 1,491,000 whites sent to the 
firing line of the Eevolution 220,000 soldiers, and that the 
Southern Colonies (including Delaware), with a population 
of 812,000 whites, sent 147,000 men to the front; or, stating 
it differently, every 1,000 citizens in the Xorth furnished 
116 soldiers, and the same numlier of citizens in the South 
furnished 181 soldiers. And, still more remarkable, a like 
comparison shows that South Carolina sent to the front a 
number of fighters equal to one third of that estimated j^opu- 
lation, and Massachusetts sent one fifth. Or, if we reject 
those estimates, and adopt the figures of the first census 
(1790), of 1,000 men fit for service South Carolina sent to 
the fighting line 881, and Massachusetts sent 762. 

But this calculation is very unjust to the South, since, as 
Gen. Knox declared, "in some years of the greatest exertion 
of the Southern States there are no returns whatever of the 
miilitia". Indeed, the table in Frost's History of the United 
States, which he copied f rem "Collection of the Xew Hamp- 
shire Historical Society", and which was perhaps the same 
that Gen. Knox had, is totally blank in the militia column 
opposite the names of Xorth Carolina, South Carolina and 
Georgia. We know, however, that large bodies of the militia 
of these States participated in the campaigns against the 
British, the royalists (Scovilites, Highlanders, &c.), and the 
Cherokee Indians, under Kichard Caswell, Grifiith Ru.ther- 
ford, Thomas Polk, James Martin, John Ashe, Erancis 


Locke, AYilliam R. Davie, Isaac Shelby, Henry Dickson, 
Jethro Sumner, William L. Davidson, Joseph Graham, 
Charles McDowell, Joseph McDowell, John Sevier, Ben. 
Cleveland, Thomas Brown and others. 

The South^s ISTobility and Gexeeosity. 

While the people of Boston, after the passage of the bill 
closing their port, were suffering for the necessaries and com- 
forts of life, cargoes of provisions were sent to them from 
Virginia, JSTorth Carolina and South Carolina, and societies 
for the gathering of provisions were formed in districts far 
from the seacoast. A ship load went from Wilmington, iST. 
C, under the command of Parker Quince. 

Referring to this noble conduct a few years before his 
death Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, said in a speech : 'T 
think — and I have said it more than once at home — that 
among the noblest examples of lofty patriotism and lofty gen- 
erosity in all human history is the example of the generous 
people of the South * ^ to Boston, Massachusetts, in 
the time of their sore distress". 

Pension Abuses and Impositions. 

Comparing Gen. Knox's figures with those in Senate Doc- 
ument 307, Sec. Sess. 25th Congress, we learn that from the 
beginning of the pension system to 183 S Xorthern veterans 
had received $28,262,597 in pensions, a sum equal to $128 
a piece for all of them, while to the Southerners had been 
given only $7,336,365, a sum equal to nearly $50 a piece for 
all of them. This document shows, too, that the pension 
money which went to Massachusetts in 1820 was equal to 
more than 62 cents a jDiece for her entire estimated white 
population in 1775, while the sum that came to Xorth Caro- 
lina was only equal to about 12 cents a piece for her esti- 
mated population in that year. 

And in Garnett's "The Union Past and Present" it is de- 
monstrated from statistics in public records that during the 
four years ending with 1837 the contributions of the Xew 
England States to the Federal treasury were less than the 
pension disbursements to their Revolutionary veterans. 

Does any reader ask how a law could be passed granting 


more pension money to one section than to another ? No 
such law was ever passed ; and we have no clue to the solution 
of the apparent discrimination except the first annual mes- 
sage of President John Q. Adams. When Congress discov- 
ered that the laws granting pensions ''opened the door to 
numerous abuses and impositions", a new act was passed 
which "exacted proofs of absolute indigence, which many 
really in want were unable, and all susceptible of that deli- 
cacy which is allied to many virtues, must be deeply reluctant 
to give". In which section this "delicacy" existed, the evi- 
dence before us must guide us in determining. 

Xow add to all this the unselfish labors of Southerners 
during that war, as of Washing-ton, who served through it 
without pecuniary reward; of ISTathaniel Macon, who served 
three years as a private, refusing pay or promotion ; of 
Richard Caswell, who held the ofiice of Governor "during the 
stormy and perilous period of 1776, 1777 and 1778", and 
refused any compensation for his services ; and of the daring 
band of heroes who assisted in defeating Ferguson's forces at 
King's Mountain, turning the tide of war, and making York- 
town possible, "without pay, rations or ammunition, or 
reward, or the hope of reward". 

To all the foregoing evidence bearing on the distinguishing 
traits of Southerners and JSTortherners I append an extract 
from a jSTorthern writer who had made a thorough and impar- 
tial study of the history of his own people — ^Richard Hil- 
dreth, of Massachusetts. In his History of the United 
States, while discussing conditions a few years after the 
Revolution, he says : 

"One large portion of the wealthy men of Colonial times 
had been expatriated, and another part had been impov- 
erished by the Revolution. In their place a new moneyed 
class had sprung up, especially in the Eastern States, men 
who had grown rich in the course of the war as sutlers, by 
privateering, by speculations in the fluctuating paper money, 
and by other operations not always of the most honorable 


Thus the story of the Revolution teaches us that the man 
of noble qualities; the brave man; the man- who fought for 


his people; the man who commanded the admiration of his 
chief ; the man who went nnselfishlv to the help of sufferers ; 
the man who gave his time and risked his life without reward 
or the expectation of reward, for what he believed a right- 
eous cause ; the man who was above the tricks of avarice, was 
a Southerner. 


The Sections in the "More Pekfect Uxion/^ 

As soon as the first Congress met after the States had en- 
tered into a "more perfect Union", measures were introduced 
for insuring the "prosperity" of the ISTorth at the expense of 
the South, the purpose of Xew England being boldly acknowl- 
edged by Fisher Ames, of Massachusetts, during the debate 
on the tariff act of 1789, as follows : 

"The commerce of America, particularly the Southern 
parts, has by the force of habits and English connections been 
setting strong on the British coast. It requires the aid of the 
general government to divert it to a more natural course" — 
place it under the control of Xew England shippers. "To 
procure this political good, some force is necessary.'' — iinnals 
of CongTess, First Session, First Congress, p. 157. 

The most important of these measures, all of which with 
modification became laws, were : 

War Debts. 

One of the most inexcusable aggressions on the Constitu- 
tion and on the rights of the South was the act to fund the 
war debt created by the Continental Congress and to assume, 
without a particle of authority, twenty one millions of the 
war debts of the individual States. The bonds, or "certifi- 
cates", had nearly all been bought up at one-eighth of their 
face value by speculators of the Middle and Eastern States,. 
as the reader can learn if he will consult Marshall's Life of 
AA^ashington or the Journal of William Maclay, one of Penn- 
sylvania's first Senators ; and the measure was worked into 
a law by threats of disrupting the Union and a disgraceful 
"bargain". The whole amount saddled on the people, exclud- 
ing the foreign debt, was nearly $64,000,000, seven eighths 
of which was an unearned increment of the wealth of the- 
Northern States, a burden on the people equal to move than 
seventy dollars per family of five persons, including Indians 
and slaves. And Maclay gives us satisfactory evidence thar 
large amounts of these "certificates" belonged to the members^ 



of Congress, some of whom before their scheme was a success 
were sending agents with large sums of money into Soutliern 
States to buy up "certificates". 

Bounties to Codfisheemen. 

While the first Congress was engaged in the discussion of 
the first tariff law, the legislature of Massachusetts sent a 
petition asking that all foreigTi articles used in the fisheries 
be permitted to be exempt from taxes — salt, rum, tea, sugar, 
molasses, iron, coarse woolens, lines and hooks, sail-cloth, cord- 
age, &c. ; that the fishing vessels be exempt from the tonnage 
tax imposed on other vessels ; and that "premiums and boun- 
ties" be paid the fishermen out of the Federal treasury. 

The Congress was not ready then to comply with this 
prayer; but a system of legislation was entered upon whicli 
by 1860, according to Kettell, had carried $13,000,000 of 
other people's money to the fishermen of JSTew England, the 
share of Massachusetts being $8,000,000. A part of this 
money, too, as we are informed by President Jackson in his 
annual message of Dec. 7, 1830, was obtained by fraud. 

But this is not all ; international friction has cost the peo- 
ple of the United States thousands, if not millions, of" dollars. 
These fishermen have several times since the Federal govern- 
ment was established plied their occupation beyond the boun- 
daries which the British government insisted had been fixed 
by treaty; and some times serious complications were threat- 
ened, requiring heavy expenditures for international com- 
missions to adjust the matters in dispute. 

It would, perhaps, be no extravagant variation from the 
truth to claim that at least half of all these expenses were 
paid by the people of the Southern States. 

The jSToeth^s Commercial Advantages. 

The "preferential distinctions" acquired by the ISTew Eng- 
land shipping interests by a "deal" in the adjustment of 
sectional claims has already been referred to, and Carey has 
told us of some of the results of the laws enacted to grant them 
monopolistic privileges ; and, as the laws were never seriously 
modified after Carey wrote, and there can be no reason to 
believe that there was an abatement of the avarice of the 


shippers, our object does not require further searcli along 
this line. I, therefore, dismiss the subject, feeling assured 
that there is no necessity for dwelling on the probability that 
large amounts of Southern wealth were carried ISTorth an- 
nually by people who had a monopoly of the coastwise trade, 
and who, as carriers of Southern products to foreign markets, 
enjoyed a partial monopoly. Kettell declares that for a con- 
siderable period up to the time he wrote the South paid an- 
nually $36,000,000 in freights to Xorthern shippers, not 
including those engaged in the coast trade. 


Soon after it become generally understood in Isew Eng- 
land that the import taxes on the products of foreign factories 
ran the prices up in the United States so high that a domestic 
factory producing similar articles could exact an enormous 
tribute from the people, the capitalists began to abandon other 
fields of industry and devote their attention to the erection of 
factories ; and in a few years the demands of Xew Engianders 
were supplied by their own factories, while Southerners con- 
sumed foreign articles for which they paid the foreign price, 
the import tax and the freight demanded by Xew England 
ships possessing monopolistic privileges. Hence the South 
bore a large part of the burden of supporting the government 
and of enriching Xew England ship owners. 

After a while the business of manufacturing in Xew Eng- 
land and in the Middle States becaiue so extensive that a 
"home market" in the South became necessary; and then the 
situation was something like this : The Xorth consumed its 
own products, and the South consumed foreign and Xorthern 
products in about equal proportions. In other words, the 
Xorth was free from taxation, and the South carried the 
triple burden of supporting the government, enriching the 
protected Xorthern manufacturer, and piling up wealth for 
favored shippers. 

This picture of conditions, while not strictly correct in all 
its details, comes near enough to the truth to account for the 
outcry against this species of robbery in 1828-32, the denun- 
ciation of it by the legislatures of Virginia, Xorth Carolina, 


South Carolina aud Georgia, aud the nullifying ordinance of 
South Carolina. 

Many attempts have been made to calculate with precision 
what the burden of the South was from the foundation of 
"the more perfect Union" to 18(31 ; but we do not need to go 
fully into the details. It will serve our present purpose to 
examine "The Union Fast and Present", a pamphlet written 
in 1851 by the late Hon. Muscoe E. H. Garnett, of Virginia, 
(his calculations based on statistics in Treasury reports), 
and learn that from 1830 to 1840 (the compromise tariff 
period) the South paid into the Federal treasury five times 
as much as the Xorth did, and from the beginning of the 
system to 184(3 the South paid seven ninths of all the reve- 
nues. ^Vas there any excuse for such injustice i Listen to 
Hon. Joseph H. Walker, of Worcester, Massachusetts, as he 
gives the excuse in a speech delivered in the House of Rep- 
resentatives March ol, 1897. Referring to the nullifiers of 
1832, he said: "But prosperity did come to the Xorth, and 
Mr. McDuffie, feeling that a portion of the profits of the 
unpaid (slave) labor of the South was shared by the Xorth 
through the system of protection, was determined to deprive 
the Xorth of its prosperity, that the South might reach the 
whole", &c. 

Mr. Walker does not enlighten us as to the sources of the 
Xorth/s right to take from the South a portion of the pro- 
ducts of slave labor ; but, whatever was the nature of his claim, 
it must have been founded on an assumption that the elect 
are not subject to the moral law when dealing with the 

This plundering of the South to make "the Xorth pros])er" 
is boldly acknowledged by another ^STortherner, Gen. Donn 
Piatt. In Rice's "Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln" 
(p. 482) he says: "The unrequited toil of the slave was 
more valuable to the ]^orth than to the South. With our keen 
business instincts, we of the free States utilized the In-utal 
work of the masters. They made, without saying, all" — 
not some — "that we accumulated". 

And in "Wit, Wisdom and Eloquence of Robert J. Inger- 
soll", which is furnished at a tempting price to booksellers 
on our railroad trains, he scores the South in this stvle : 


"Where did this doctrine of a tariff for revenue come from ? 
From the South. The South would like to stab the pros- 
perity of the jSTorth". 

The "Bounty of the ]N"ation^\ 

Public records demonstrate that in all the years up to 1861 
the lion's share of appropriations went to the jSTorth. 

1. The injustice of the pension disbursements has already 
been set forth. 

•2. .From 1789 to 1815 appropriations for roads, harbors 
and rivers in the South (including the Mississippi and the 
Ohio, which were common to both sections) were $2,757,916;^ 
and for like purposes in the J^orth $12,713,107 — six times 
as much. 

3. From 1831 to 1815 the northern members of the "old 
thirteen" received for internal improvements $6,328,080,. 
while the Southern members received $653,100 — about one 
tenth as much. 

1. From 1789 to 1816 the Xorth received twice as much 
as the South for coast defense, excluding those at the mouth 
of the -Mississippi, which were to defend both sections, and 
those about Chesaj^eake Bay, which were to protect the Fed- 
eral capital, 

5. In 1858 there were twenty-three light-houses in the 
JN'orth for every ten in the South. 

6. Between 1850 and 1857 there were built eighteen 
custom houses north of Mason and Dixon's line ; not one south 
of it. Five of these buildings cost more than $17,000, which 
was eight and one-half times as much as the revenues col- 
lected at them in the fiscal year ending June 30, 1857. In 
other words, it required the collections of eight and one-half 
years to pay for the custom houses. 

In Accordance with Law. 

When the Federal Constitution was adopted it conferred 
upon a citizen of one of the States the right to sue another 
State; and soon after the Federal courts were organized Chis- 
holm entered suit against Georgia and — (his name has been 
left out of all the records I have examined) entered one 
against Massachusetts. Georgia answered the complaint, 


and defended herself before the Supreme Court. John Han- 
cock, Grovernor of Massachusetts, refused to answer the sum- 
mons of the Court, claiming that a sovereign can not be sued 
without his consent. The Court yielded; and the 11th 
amendment was placed in the Constitution to prevent farther 
conflicts of authority. — See Lives of Signers. 


The War of 1812. 

As the claims of the shipping interests of Massachusetts 
led to the Revolutionary War, so did the commercial interests 
of that State and of some of her neighbors lead to the war 
of 1812. 

To understand thoroughly the part played by each section 

^in inaugurating this war and the motives which controlled 

them during its progress, we must familiarize ourselves with 

the industries of the two sections and those "interests" which 

Mr. Madison said "were opposed to each other". 

In the South agriculture was the chief employment of the 
people, and it was the surplus of their products which went 
abroad in New England ships to pay for the return cargoes, 
the ship-owners thereby, as Carey said, "making princely 
fortunes" at the expense of the South. In 1828 Mr. Benton 
in the Senate declared that up to that time the South had 
exported, in four staples alone, produce valued at $800,000,- 
000, while "the North had exported comparatively nothing". 

In the New England States there was a diversitv of Indus- 
tries, as farming, manufacturing, fishing, ship-building and 
the slave-trade. The inhabitants of Boston and the other sea- 
port towns followed all these occupations excej)t farming, 
and hence the ocean was their field of labor. Any regula- 
tions, therefore, which imposed restrictions on the commerce 
of the United States, if we except the slave-trade and the 
allied industries, imposed as heavy burdens on the South as 
on the North. 

Some of the Interesting Events Preceding the War. 

1. The first acts of aggression which threatened an open 
rupture between this country and Great Britain were commit- 
ted in 1793 while the British were at war with Napoleon. 
The commanders of their armed cruisers were ordered, as 
President Washington informed the Congress, "to restrain 
generally our commerce in corn and other provisions to their 
own ports and those of their friends" ; and these commanders, 
furthermore, were ordered to search any United States vessels 



they met with, and take from them any Englishmen who 
might be found on board, their government denying the right 
of a British subject to migrate to the United States and 
become a naturalized citizen. 

3. In January, 1794, the House of Representatives, after 
a long and acrimonious debate, passed a retaliatory act cut- 
ting off all intercourse with Great Britain, its chief supporters 
being Southerners under the leadership of Mr. Madison ; 
but it was defeated in the Senate by the casting vote of Vice- 
President Adams, who was a citizen of the State whose "ves- 
sels and commerce" were the principal sufferers from "the 
vexations and spoliations" committed by British cruisers. 

The enactment of such a measure at that time, when only 
twelve more years remained for the legal continuance of the 
slave-trade, would have been disastrous to that lucrative traf- 
fic in which, according to M. Larochefoucauld, about twenty 
of their ships were engaged, the severest blow, perhaps, com- 
ing from the stoppage of imports of molasses from Jamaica, 
a British possession. 

3. In violation of the terms of the treaty of peace of 1783 
the British were still (1794) occupying the western forts on 
Lake Erie and its vicinity; and, as this added to the friction 
between the two countries, President Washington sent John 
Jay in the summer of 1794 to negotiate a treaty with Great 
Britain. While securing some rights to ]^ew England's 
ships, this treaty permitted the British to impress seamen, 
as before, to search these ships for contraband articles, and 
to be the sole judge of what was contraband. But it was rat- 
ified by the Senate, it being considered safer to yield to Brit- 
ain's haughty demands than to risk a war. Its ratification, 
however, was denounced by the opponents of the administra- 
tion as a discreditable surrender to British arrogance ; and 
the final question in the House, in favor of a law to carry 
it into effect, was carried by only three majority. 

4. In 1803-4 the ambitious leaders of Xew England, 
who were always ready to "cabal against and endeavor to over- 
throw any government they had not the mangement of", be- 
gan a secession movement because there was danger that tho 
"expansion" of" Southern interests in the Louisiana Territory 
might endanger the power of "the Xorth" to "prosper" at the 


expense of "the South" ; and this movement tended to unite 
all classes in JS^ew England against Mr. Jefferson and the 

5. In December, 1805, Mr. Jefferson's message com- 
plained that "our coasts have been infested and our harbors 
watched by private armed vessels" and by "public armed 

6. In January, 1806, Mr. Jefferson sent a special mes- 
sage to the Congress, calling attention to "oppressions of our 
commerce and navigation by the irregular practices of armed 
vessels, public and private, and by the introduction of new 
principles, derogatory to the rights of neutrals and unac- 
knowledge by the usage of nations" ; and also to the con- 
tinued practice of searching American vessels, impressing 
our seamen, and seizing whatever was judged to be contra- 

Thereupon an act was passed on the 15th of April, to be 
effective on the 15th of November, prohibiting the importa- 
tion of certain articles of British growth or manufacture, 
the democrats favoring and the federalists opposing it. 

7. In June, 1807, the British ship Leopard fired on the 
Chesapeake, riddling the hull, rigging and sj)ars, and killing 
three men. "This insolent attack", says Taylor's History 
of the United States, "upon a national ship — this wanton 
exercise of a claim derogatory to national honor — aroused 
the spirit of the republic. The distinctions of party were 
forgotten", &c. 

8. In December, 1807, by a vote of 82 to 44 in the 
House and 22 to 6 in the Senate, the embargo act was passed, 
forbidding all commerce between the United States and for- 
eign countries, the object being to retaliate for the Berlin 
decree of N^apoleon and the British order in council. This 
act did not affect the coastwise monopoly, except in an in- 
direct manner ; but it ordered a sudden stop to the slave- 
trade and the contributory industries. 

9. In 1808 ^ew England was much excited ; petitions 
were sent from all sections praying for the repeal of the 
embargo ; the law was evaded to a shameful extent ; and 
the foreign commerce of Xew England was clandestinely 
carried on throu2:h Canada. 


10. In the winter of 1808-9 an act was passed arming the 
President with additional powers for enforcing the embargo ; 
but the Congress was frightened into a repeal of it in a few 
weeks (March 15) by confidential letters from John Q. 
Adams, then a private citizen, informing the administration 
party that "the party prevailing in" Massachusetts was insti- 
gating the people to forcible resistance to the embargo, that 
"juries after juries acquitted the violators of it upon the 
ground that it was unconstitutional", that "a separation of 
the Union was openly stimulated in the public prints", and 
that "a convention of delegates of the ]S[ew England States, to 
meet at jSTew Haven, was intended and proposed". 

11. Early in 1809, while the "prevailing party in" Mas- 
sachusetts was organizing a resistance to the Federal govern- 
ment, John Henry was sent into the ISTew England States as 
a secret agent of the British government, to intrigue "with 
the disaffected" and to bring about "a political connexion" 
between those States and Great Britain. 

12. On May 16, 1811, after repeated and fruitless efforts 
to effect by negotiation a peaceable settlement of conflicting 
claims, Commodore Rodgers, commanding the frigate Presi- 
dent, was fired upon by the British sloop-of -war Little Belt ; 
but she was soon silenced by the guns of the President. This 
was at a time when ISTew England's merchantmen were 
boarded, searched, "and many of them", says Taylor, "sent 
to British ports as legal prizes". 

13. On May 20, 1812, the Hornet arrived from London, 
bringing a dispatch from Jonathan Russell (a IS^ew Eng- 
lander). United States charge-d'affaires at I^ondon, in whicli 
he said : "I no longer entertain a hope that we can honorablv 
avoid war". 

14. On June 18, 1812, President Madison approved the 
act of Congress declaring war against Great Britain. It had 
been adopted in the House by a vote of 79 to 49 and in the 
Senate by a vote of 19 to 13. Of the representatives who sup- 
ported the measure only 17 lived north of the Delaware, and 
of the Senators who voted for it only 5 lived north of that 
river. "Thus the war", says the Statesman's Manual, "may 
be said to have been a measure of the South and West to take 


care of the interests of the jSTorth, much against the will of the |3 £j 
latter". Ci^-> '^^ 


Having gone over the evidence which supports the conten- f^ ^ 
tion that in the war of 1812, as in the Revolution, the South v, -4i 
had not "the slightest particle of personal interest", and that 
in both she was moved by those sentiments which have dis- 
tinguished the men whom History has honored as the noblest, 
purest and most unselfish of the race, let us sum up briefly 
the testimony which must gmide us in deciding whether the 
"exceedingly avaricious" who in 1775 disgusted Gen. Wash- 
ing-ton had acquired a "sentiment of honor", and whether 
JSTew England had reached those exalted civic virtues which 
would entitle her to the censorship of the Union. 

1. The first notable act of Massachusets was the refusal 
of Governor Caleb Strong to comply with President Mad- 
ison's call for the militia of the States, which is connnented 
on in the following extracts from President Monroe's mes- 
sage of Feb. 24, 1824: 

"I herewith transmit to Congress certain documents relat- 
ing to a claim of Massachusetts for services rendered by the 
military of that State in the late war, and for which the pay 
ment was made by the State. * * * In forming a just 
estimate of this claim, it will be necessary to recur to the 
cause which prevented its admission * * at an earlier 
day. It will be recollected that when a call was made on the 
militia of that State for service, in the late war, under an 
arrangement which was alike applicable to the militia of ail 
the States, and in conformity with the acts of Congress, the 

executive of Massachusetts refused to comply with the call. 

"In the correspondence with the Governor of Massachu- 
setts at that important epoch, and on that very interesting- 
subject it was announced to him by the Secretary of War 
that, if the militia of the State were called into service by the 
executive of the State, and not put under the command of 
the Major-General of the United States, as the militia of 
the other States were, the expense attending their service 


would be chargeable to the State, and not to the United 
States. * * * * 

"Under these circumstances a decision on the claim of the 
State of Massachusetts has hitherto been suspended, and it 
need not be remarked that the suspension has proceeded from 
a conviction that it would be improper to give any sanction 
by its admission, or the admission of any part thereof, 
either to the construction of the Constitution contended for 
by the then executive of that State, or to its conduct at that 
period toward the general government of the Union". 

The total amount of this claim was nearly $900,000, and 
after having for a number of years pleaded in vain for its 
allowance, the representatives of the ^State succeeded in the 
winter of 1829-30, by methods of which we have no records, 
in having an act passed to allow their State $430,000 — a 
very liberal reward for the nullification of a Federal law and 
of the Constitution of the Union, which Gov. Strong had 
sworn to support. 

2. In the winter of 1813-14, the Federal authorities hav- 
ing learned that "small vessels and boats" were supplying 
with provisions the British squadrons on the coast of Xew 
England, passed an act to check this giving "aid and com- 
fort" to the enemies of the United States; but the threat- 
ening attitude of the "downeasters" forced the Congress to 
repeal the act four days before it adjourned, and permit the 
treason to flourish. 

3. As 'New England, by throwing every imaginable 
obstacle in the way of the administration, had demonstrated 
her willingness to submit to the arrogance and insolence of 
Britain's armed cruisers, and was arranging to hold the Hart- 
ford Convention, Mr. Monroe, the Secretary of State, giving 
instructions to the Commissioners appointed to negotiate a 
treaty of peace, said : "On mature consideration, it has been 
decided that, under all the circumstances above alluded to, 
incident to a prosecution of the war, you may omit any stip- 
ulation on the subject of impressment, if found indispen- 
sably necessary to terminate it". And this was done. Brit- 
ish armed vessels retaining the right to "hold up" any Xew 
England skipper and impress his sailors. 

This decision of the administration was no doubt hastened 


hj "mature consideration" of conditions such as were made 
public by the following from the Boston Gazette (Apr. 14, 
1814, quoted by Carey) : 

"By the magnanimous course pointed out by Gov. Strong, 
i. e., by withholding all voluntary aid in prosecuting the war 
and manfully expressing our opinions as to its injustice and 
ruinous tendency, we have arrested its progress, and driven 
its authors to abandon their nefarious schemes and to look 
anxiously for peace". 

4. While the "party prevailing" in Massachusetts was 
traitorously opposing and defying the Federal authorities, 
a combination was entered into by the men who had been 
made wealthy by the Revolutionary- War-debt deal, "as sut- 
lers, by privateering, by speculations in the fluctuating paper 
money, and by other operations not always of the most hon- 
orable kind", and those who had been "making princely for- 
tunes by the carriage and exportation of the bulky and val- 
uable products" of the Southern States, which Federal law 
had converted into "so many wealthy colonies" for their 
enterprising business men. Having under their con- 
trol nearly all the specie in the Union, the banks in all other 
sections having suspended specie payments early in the war, 
they closed the doors of their banks to the Secretary of the 
Treasury when the exigences of war compelled the Federal 
authorities to borrow money ; and the result was that the 
military operations were seriously crippled, while the Sec- 
retary was obliged to accept depreciated bank bills for boud^ 
he placed on the market, the price he received being only 88 
per cent, of their face value. 

A few New Englanclers, such as ex-President John Adams, 
promoted the loans; and this disobedience of the commands 
of the "party prevailing" was met by such complaints as the 
following in John Lowell's "Road to Ruin" : "Money is such 
a drug (the surest sign of former prosperity and of present 
insecurity of trade) that men, against their consciences, their 
honor, their duty, their professions and promises, are willing 
to lend it secretly, to support the very measures which are both 
intended and calculated for their ruin". And "the pulpit, 


as usual in Boston", says Carey, ''came in aid of the press 
to secure success". 

Such lawlessness on the part of the people's leaders, such 
contempt for moral obligation, bore its inevitable fruit, as 
John Lowell informs us in number 6 of his "Road to Ruin", 
wherein he complains of the degradation of the people. He 
says : 

"They engage in lawless speculations, sneer at restraints 
of conscience, laugh at perjury, mock at legal restraints, and 
acquire an ill-gotten wealth at the expense of public morals 
and of the more sober, conscientious part of the community". 


The Teauucees of the South. 

The misrepresentations of the moral, social, political and 
industrial conditions in the Southern States which at an 
early period began to be accepted in the JSTorth as historic 
verities were so execrable that some day the student of His- 
tory will wonder how a people claiming to be the most en- 
lightened in the western hemisphere could impose on them- 
selves so easily. Go to the Congressional Globe, and read 
the debate between Senators Charles Sumner, of Massachu- 
setts, and Arthur P. Butler, of South Carolina, the speeches 
of William Slade, of Vermont, of William H. Seward, of 
JN'ew York, &c. ; go to Greeley's "American Conflict", and 
read his summary of the charges and insinuations about the 
South's conduct in the adjustment of the compromises in 
the Federal Constitution, about the South's unfairness and 
"arrogance" in the administration of the general government, 
and about the character of the men and the women of the 
South ; and you will find much that even to-day brings a 
blush of shame to the intelligent ISTortherner who has visited 
the South and studied dispassionately the temper and dispo- 
sition of the people. 

A few of the misrepresentations will serve my present 
purpose : 

1. It was charged that the South refused to agree to enter 
the "more perfect Union" unless the J^orth would consent 
to permit the African slave trade to continue till 1808. But 
the truth is that when a committee reported that the Con- 
gress should not stop the slave trade till 1800, a motion to 
substitute 1808 was seconded by Mr. Gorham, of Massachu- 
setts, and was approved by every Eastern State in the con- 
vention, thus conferring on the slave traders of those States 
an inestimable extension of their privileges. — See Elliott's 
Debates, vol. I, p. 264. 

And yet in "Wit, Wisdom and Eloquence of Robert J. 
Ingersoll", which is sold on railroad trains all over the South, 
he gives this as one of his reasons for denouncing "the doc- 



trine of State sovereignty" : ''The first time it appeared was 
when they" — Southerners — "wished to keej) the slave trade 
alive till 1808. The first resort to this doctrine was for 
the protection of piracy and murder". 

2. When Mr. Jefferson purchased the Louisiana Terri- 
tory, to insure the Western and the Southwestern States 
against possible aggressions from unfriendly neighbors and 
their commerce from harassing restrictions at Xew Orleans, 
the fiction of the slave-power" entered into our political lit- 
erature, and the object of the purchase was represented then 
and ever since to "expand slavery". But, as is known to 
every intelligent student of our history, Mr. Jefferson was 
opposed to slavery, as was about every Southern statesman 
in 1803. The ordinance forbidding slavery in the jSTorth- 
west Territory was supported by every Southerner in the 
Congress, and during the time between the close of the Revo- 
lution and the establishment of the "more perfect Union" 
every Southern State either totally forbade the importation 
of slaves or imj^osed restrictions on the trafiic. — See Dubois's 
Suppression of the Slave-trade, p. 226. 

3. The Southerner was denounced to the civilized world 
as a cruel master who "shackled" his slaves, and whose right 
hand, as Lowell pictured him in his Bigelow Papers, clutched 
"the clotted slave-whip"; but the adoption of Legree, a 
"do'wneaster", as the most revolting brute in L'ncle Tom's 
Cabin, was a recognition of the fact known all over the South 
that the most unfeeling slave-ovaier was the Northerner who 
came South and married the daughter of a man whose hand 
clutched a "clotted slave whip". Indeed, Mrs. Stowe lec- 
tures the mothers of the Xortli for their neglect to give proper 
instruction to their sons. She says: "If the mothers of the 
free States had all felt as they should, in times past, the 
sons of the free States would not have been the holders, and 
proverbially, the hardest masters of slaves". 

4. It was a source of pleasure to the South's traducers 
when they made the discovery, as they claimed, that by some 
sort of threats the South coerced the Xorth to agree to include 
three fifths of the slaves in the representative population of 
a State. But the facts were as follows, and they put "the 
boot on the other leg" : 


When the Congress of the Confederation, in 1783^ 
was considering an amendment to the Articles which pro- 
posed to substitnte the population of a State for its landed 
estates as a basis of taxation, the members from Massachu- 
setts insisted on including all the slaves in the population^ 
while Southern delegates maintained that a slave w^as not 
equal to a white man as a w^ealth producer, and that hence 
only a part of the slaves should be added to the wdiites in 
fixing a basis of taxation. Mr. Carroll, of Maryland, thought 
it would be fair to include one fourth of the slaves ; Mr. 
Rutledge, of South Carolina, "for the sake of the object", 
AA'Ould consent to include half of them ; Mr. Lee, of Virginia, 
thought half of them too much; and Mr. Williamson, of 
I\^orth Carolina, thought "slaves an encumbrance to society,, 
instead of increasing its ability to pay taxes". 

Y\liile the subject was being discussed and there seemed 
little hope that the "sections" w^ould come to an agreement,. 
]Mr. Gorham, of Massachusetts, informed the Congress, ''as 
a cogent reason for hastening that business", that his State 
was preparing to violate the 6th of the Articles of Confed- 
eration by inviting her neighboring States and Xew York 
to unite with her in some sort of a Confederacy — to secede 
and form a Xorthern Confederacy — ; and this threat im- 
pelled the Southerners to consent to include three-fifths of 
the slaves. 

But wdien in the Convention of 1787 the South demanded 
that representatives should be apportioned among the States, 
according to their ability to pay taxes — that a State's Federal 
population should be all its free citizens and three fifths of 
its slaves — i^ew England objected. That is to say, that 
section thought it just to include all, or nearly all, of the 
slaves in apportioning taxes, but none of them in apportion- 
ing representatives. 

5. It seemed to afford pleasure to the poets and orators 
of the Xorth to warm the j)i'ejudices of the people by sneer- 
ing at the licentiousness of Southerners, and the number of 
mulattoes in the South was harped on as proof of degrading 
sensuality. Longfellow's "The Quadroon Girl" is one of 
their gems. But these critics must have examined ]3ublie 


records "with a great deal of caution". The census of 1850 
rej^orted the number of blacks and niulattoes as follows : 

States. Blacks. Mulattoes. Per Cent. 

iNTew England, JST. Y., Penn., 

O., Ind., Ill 116,400 51,283 44 

Maryland , " 143,588 21,503 15 

North Carolina 281,991 34,020 12 

South Carolina 377,070 16,874 4 

On February 13, 1860, the following statement appeared 
in the !New York Tribune (written perhaps by James Red- 
path, the English philanthropist, who in those days wrote for 
that paper) : 

"We were apprised by the official returns of 1850, that the 
lands of the South were held by a small nimiber of proprie- 
tors, and the residue of white citizens were without property, 
and therefore were in serfdom, or, I might say, more than 
that, for the serfs in European countries are at least the cul- 
tivators of the soil, and have certain inherent pri':"i leges 
attached thereto j * * * j^nt the white population of 
the South, other than the great land proprietors, have no 
interest in the soil, nor does it appear what proprietary inter- 
est they have in any sort of property". 

But the census of 1850 (Statistical Abstract of the United 
States, pp. 95 and 169) showed that in the following typical 
Southern States the number of farms owned by slave-holders 
and the number owned by non-slave-holders were as in this 

State. Slave-holders. Non-slave-holders. 

Virginia 55,063 21,950 

North Carolina 28,303 28,660 

South Carolina 25,596 4,371 

Georgia 38,456 13,303 

Alabama 29,295 12,669 

Mississippi 23,116 . 10,844 

And this same census showed that North Carolina — taking 
that State for an example — contained 273,000 white people, 
and if we suppose there were, on an average, five persons to 


each family, she had 54,600 families and 56,963 land- 

This falsehood, sent forth in the early months of that elec- 
tion year, could be echoed, and no doubt was intended to be 
echoed, and re-echoed by ignorant or dishonest orators all 
over t]ie Xorth, and arouse a storm of opposition to riij candi- 
date the South might support; for the managers of the 
Tribune were well aware that the "proud" and "arrogant" 
South could never get a hearing in the jSTorth. 

This slander is doing duty still up ^orth, warming the 
prejudices of the people against Southerners. In Rice's "Re- 
miniscences", &c., George W. Julian appears as a contributor, 
exhibiting his ignorance and his spite. Mr. Julian was an 
Indiana statesman, served twelve years in Congress, legisla- 
ting for people of whom he was ignorant; was a member of 
the ever-memorable committee which framed and forced 
through the "Reconstruction Measures" ; and advocated all 
the measures which were intended to degrade the people of 
the South. Discussing one of these measures which was de- 
signed to rob every Southerner of everything he possessed, 
he says : "The nation was struggling for its life against a 
rebellious aristocracy founded on the monopoly of land and 
the ownership of negroes". 

During all the years of sectional wrangles up to 1861, 
while every industry of the North was levying direct or in- 
direct tribute on the South, it was never charged by the lat- 
ter's most unscrupulous revilers that any industry in the 
South had ever asked for or secured any favorable sectional 
legislation. But, in the face of this truth, a so-called History, 
written by a distinguished professor in a Northern seat of 
learning, asks the world to reflect with wondering and gTate- 
ful admiration on the patience and long-suffering with which 
the North endured the aggTessions of the South. And away 
back, nearly sixty years ago, James Russell Lowell, one of the 
brightest of New England literary lights, "sot to a nussry 
rime" a "debate in the Sinnit", in which this stanza occurs : 

. "Now don't go to say I'm the friend of oppression. 
But keep all your spare breath fer coolin' yer broth, 
Fer I oilers hev strove (at least thet's my impression) 
To make cussed free with the rights o' the North", 


Sez John C. Calhoun, sez he ; 

''Yes", sez Davis o' Miss., 

"The perfection o' bliss 
Is in skinnin' that same old coon", sez he. 

Ten years before Lowell commenced misrepresenting the 
character and purposes of Southerners John Greenleaf ^Vhit- 
tier, who is honored to-day as one of ^^Tew England's sweetest 
singers, was engaged in the same work; but so glaring were 
his libels — some of which are commented on in another place 
in this chapter — that when "the Hutchinsons" came down in 
1862 to entertain Gen. McClellan's army by singing AYhit- 
tier's songs, they were driven out of the camp. 

A furious storm was raised up all over the J^orth because, 
as was alleged, the South had "trampled on a time honored 
compact" when the so-called Missouri Compromise was re- 
pealed. But the records, show that the Xorth never agreed 
to any such compact. The act of March 6, 1820, authorized 
the people of Missouri to form a Constitution, and declared 
that the "said State, when formed, shall be admitted into 
the Union upon an equal footing with the original States, 
in all respects whatsoever". This was the first section. The 
fifth section declared that slavery should not exist north 
of a certain line; and all Xorthern writers who exercised a 
controlling power in framing public sentiment taught the 
peoj)le that Missouri was admitted on the condition that 
slavery should be excluded north of that line. But in truth 
when Missouri was ready for admission, and was knocking 
at the doors of the Congress at the next session, the restric- 
tionists "trampled on the sacred compact", and voted almost 
solidly against her admission, the vote being in the House 87 
to 81. This was August 21, 1821. 

Among the cheap and attractive works advertised by the 
Boston Educational Publishing Company, and sold to schools 
all over the Union, is a series of "American History Stories", 
in one of which great sorrow is expressed because in Virginia 
the slaves "did all the work for their masters" — the children 
of the masters growing up, of course, in idleness — "and re- 
ceived no pay for it" ; and then, going back to the early days, 
it savs the Geore-ians introduced slaverv into their colonv be- 


cause tliey "were not a God-fearing people as were the Puri- 
tans and Quakers". 

It was dinned into the ears of ]Srortherners and foreigners 
that the slaveholder was guilty of "barbarism", that his rela- 
tion to his slave rendered him "arrogant" and illiberal, and 
unfitted him for the cultivation of the Christian virtues which 
distinguished his critics ; and that the slaves were being grad- 
ually forced down to a level with the brutes. But every w^ell- 
informed student of conditions in the South readily recog- 
nized the faithfulness wdth which Mrs. Stowe drew her 
pictures of "Uncle Tom" and of "Eva". The integrity, the 
piety, the fidelity of Uncle Tom would surprise us if found 
in many of those who deem themselves worthy of being guard- 
ians for other people. And Eva, descended through many 
generation from ancestors who had been "clutching" "the 
clotted slave-whip", was a superb model of the gentle, kiuH, 
humane and refined woman. 

In 1861 there was scattered all over the Xorthern States^ 
Canada and Europe a forged address which its authors de- 
clared to have been delivered to the Georgia Secession Con- 
vention by Alexander IT. Stephens, in which slavery was 
asserted to be "the corner stone of the Confederacy", and 
secession was "the height of folly, madness and wickedness". 
This forgery found its way into "The Civil War in America" 
(Tossing), and into Botts's "The Great Eebellion" ; and to- 
day it can be found doing duty in so-called "Histories". — See 
AYar Between the States, vol. 1, p. 23. 

In December, 1905, there appeared an article in the "Inde- 
pendent", IsTew York, written by Col. Thomas "WentAvorth 
Higginson, of Massachusetts, whom a consuming remorse for 
the sins of the South drove in 1855 (according to Eli Thay- 
er's "Kansas Crusade") to favor a "dissolution of these 
States", but who was in South Carolina in 18(32 at the head 
of a negro regiment butchering and plundering people for 
favoring the same thing, in which this passage occurs : 

"In 1833 Whittier had printed an anti-slavery pamphlet. 
In doing this he * "" * risked personal danger. At 
that very time Dr. Reuben Crandall, of Washington, who was 
arrested for the crime of merely lending Whittier's pamphlet 
to a brother physician, had been confined in the old city prison 


until his health was destroyed, and he was liberated only to 
die. The fact is mentioned in 'Astraea at the Capital,' where 
Whittier says : 

Beside me gloomed the prison cell 
Where wasted one in slow decline 
For uttering simple words of mine. 

And loving freedom all too well". 

Knowing that Col. Henderson (of the British army) in his 
"Life of Stonewall Jackson" denounces Whittier's "Barbara 
Freitchie" story as a "calumny" ; that Mrs. Lugenbeel, who 
according to the Washington Post, lived in Barbara Freit- 
chie's house during the war, "can remember nothing of the 
flag-waving episode" ; and that it is very unlikely that the 
Congress, which alone legislates for the District of Columbia, 
ever enacted a law to punish a man for loaning a book, I 
applied for information on the subject, and received the fol- 
lowing from the "Custodian of the Law Library", Wash- 
ington, D. C. : 

"LL S. vs. Reuben Crandall, 4 Cranch, Circuit Court Re- 
ports, 683, March term, 1836, contains a decision on an 
indictment for publishing libels tending to excite sedition 
among the servants and free colored persons in the District 
of Columbia. Mr. Key, the U. S. District Attorney, was the 
prosecutor. The defendant was adjudged not guilty on the 
ground that publication of pamphlets in ]S[ew York is not 
evidence of their publication in Washington. 

"j^o statute can be found uj)on the subject, and the action 
was imdoubtedly brought under the common law". 

This "libel" was published two years after Whittier's body 
of reformers had excited an uprising of "I^at Turner's" band, 
which murdered 52 men, women and children in Southamp- 
ton county, Virginia. And it is probable that the people of 
the District of Columbia believed that Whittier would have 
rejoiced to hear that a "Nat Turner" had commenced opera- 
tions there. 

And a pupil of these poets and orators has lately made his 
appearance as the author of a five volume "History of the 
United States", published for "The Review of Reviews Com- 


pany by the Maemillan Company". His name is Henry 
William Elson ; and here is one evidence that he sat at Whit- 
tier's feet: "The most revolting feature of slavery in Amer- 
ica, one that the historian blnshes to record (but history must 
deal with facts), was that too often the attractive slave woman 
was a prostitute to her master. This evil was wide-spread 
at the South". And this veracious historian asserts that "on 
the great plantations" the food of the slaves "was almost 
exclusively corn meal, which they prepared in addition to 
the day's toil, often exceeding fifteen hours, in the field". 
But this is not all. He has hunted up the exceptional cases 
of cruelty which used to ornament the libels of Whittier, 
Garrison, et id omne genus^ and asks his readers to believe 
them to be typical of conditions in the South ; but he is care- 
ful to omit the fact that "the brutal Legree", who he says "en- 
raged" boys who were voters in 1860, was a "downcast 

The reformers of I^ew England and their disciples in 
other sections who were responsible for Xat Turner's butch- 
eries in Virginia did not pretend to claim that the Federal 
government had any right to interfere with slavery in the 
States. In 1831, when Garrison established his Liberator, 
he flaunted at its masthead his hatred of the Constitution by 
denouncing it as "A Covenant with Death, and An Agree- 
ment with Hell"; in 1839 Wendell Phillips abandoned the 
practice of law because, as Alden tells us, "he would not act 
under an attorney's oath to support the Constitution of the 
United States with its gmaranties of slavery" ; and, on the 
25th of February, 1861, Senator Charles Sumner, the recog- 
nized leader of the abolitionists, said in a speech : "I take 
this occasion to declare most explicitly that I do not think that 
Congress has any right to interfere with slavery in a State". 
But, notwithstanding all this, these reformers, led by Garri- 
son, Whittier, Phillips and other agitators, began at an early 
day to flood Congress with petitions to do what they knew 
Congress could not do, their object evidently being to irritate 
Southern members. At first these petitions were referred to 
committees; but, after some years, the folly of treating re- 
spectfully such silly demands being apparent, a resolution 
was adopted in the House to lay them on the table. There- 


upon a howl was raised by these reformers wherever they 
could gain the attention of the ignorant masses, "^'gentlemen 
of property and respectability" having no patience wdth them. 
They denonnced the "arrogant slave-driver" for denying to 
them "the sacred right of petition" which was guaranteed to 
them in the Constitution; and ex-President John Q. Adams 
spent nearly ten years in CongTess laboring to have this 
"gag rule" repealed, so that Congress would be compelled to 
frame some sort of an act if petitions were presented demand- 
ing the expulsion of the moon from our sky. 

And this old denunciation of "radical Southerners" is 
echoed to-day in respectable so-called "Histories of the United 

An appropriate postscript to this account of Southern dis- 
regard of "great moral ideas" is a letter written to Secretary 
Stanton Dec. 30, 1864, by Brigadier General R. Saxton, 
Beaufort, S. C. In it he told Stanton about the way in 
which negroes w^ere treated by those who were "saving the 
life of the nation". I quote : 

''Comparatively few of the negroes are fit for soldiers ; but 
Gen. Foster ordered an indiscriminate conscription of every 
able-bodied colored man in the department, which was an 
'apparent violation of faith pledged to the freedmen'. 

"The order spread universal confusion and terror. The 
negroes fled to the woods and swamps, visiting their cabins 
only by stealth and in darkness. •«• * * 

"Three boys, only fourteen years of age, were seized in a 
field where they were at work and sent to a regiment serving 
in a distant part of the department without the knowledge 
or consent of their parents. 

"A man on his way to enlist as a volunteer was stopped 
by a recruiting party. He told them where he was going and 
was passing on when he was again ordered to halt. He did 
not stop and was shot dead, and was left where he fell. It 
is supposed the soldiers desired to bring him in and get the 
bounty offered for bringing in recruits. 

"Another man who had a wife and family was shot as he 
was entering a boat to fish, on the pretense that he was a 
deserter. He fell in the water and was left. * -^^ * An- 
other employee in the Quartermaster's Department * * '" 


was taken to Hilton Head and enrolled, although he had a 
certificate of exemption from the military service from a 
medical officer, 

''I found the prejudice of color and race here in full force 
and the general feeling of the army of occupation was un- 
friendly to the blacks. It was manifested in various forms 
of personal insult and abuse, in depredations on their planta- 
tions"- — plantations, he means, which had been taken from 
their o'wners and rented to the negroes — "stealing and de- 
stroying their crops and domestic animals, and robbing them 
of their money". 

''The women were held as the legitimate prey of lust. * * * 

"There was a general disposition among soldiers and civ- 
ilian speculators here to defraud the negroes in their private 
traffic, to take the commodities which they ofi^ered for sale 
by force, or to pay for them in worthless money". 

Thus for more than a century have the "God-fearing Puri- 
tans" been at work misunderstanding, misrepresenting, slan- 
dering and insulting the people of the South ; and one of the 
most puzzling problems the future student of History will 
encounter will be to explain how a people who claimed to be 
the most enlightened and the most pious on the American 
continent could deal so unjustly with communities which 
owed them nothing, had never injured them, and were at 
work all the time insuring their "prosperity". 

But a few rays of light are beginning to penetrate even 
the dark corners of that section of the country ; and it is a 
most promising augury of repentance, of sackcloth and ashes, 
when such men as Charles Francis Adams give utterance 
to the views copied below from a recent article of his. Mr. 
Adams' grandfather, John Quincy Adams, did much in the 
25th, 26th, 27th and 28th Congresses to inflame the passions 
of Southerners against him and his abolition co-workers ; and 
his father, Charles Francis Adams, the "free-soil" candidate 
for Vice-President in 1848, became one of the ablest of the 
founders of the party which devastated the South. 

Anxious to inform himself on what has for generations 
been one of the most interesting questions which the people 
of ISTew England have felt it their duty to answer, Mr. Ad- 
ams spent some time in Africa, studying the negro in his 


native home; and here is one of his statements : ''In the first 
place, looking about me among Africans in Africa — far re- 
moved from the American environment to which I have been 
accustomed — the scales fell from my eyes. I found myself 
most impressed by a realizing sense of the appalling amount 
of error and cant in which we of the United States have in- 
dulged on this topic" — 'New England, as usual, being the 
"United States" — "we have actually wallowed in a bog of self- 
sufficient igTiorance — especially we philanthropists and theo- 
rists of ISTew England. We do so still. Having eyes, we will 
not see. Even now we not unfrequently hear the successor to 
the abolitionist and humanitarian of the ante-civil war pe- 
riod — the 'Uncle Tom' period — announce that the difference 
between the white man and the black man is much less con- 
siderable than is ordinarily supposed, and the only real 
obstacle of the negro's way is tliat he never had a chance. 
For myself, after visiting the black man in his own house, 1 
came back with a decided impression that this is the sheerest 
of delusions, due to pure ignorance of rudimentary facts ; yet 
we built upon it in 'reconstruction' days as upon a foundation 
stone — a self-evident truth. Let those who indulge in such 
theories go to the Sudan and pass a week at Omdurman. 
That place marks in commerce, in letters and in art, in 
science and agriculture, the highest point of development yet 
reached by an African race. As already suggested, the dif- 
ference between Omdurman and London about measures the 
difference between the black and the white. Indisputably 
great, that it admits of measurement is questionable." 

All of which is very gratifying ; but Mr. Adams misrepre- 
sents the reasons for "reconstruction". The evidence is over- 
whelming that the object of Thaddeus Stevens and his co- 
usurpers was solely to degrade and punish the then-existing 
and all future generations of Southerners. The 14th amend- 
ment could have had no other object in view. 


' ' ' » 

States Secede. 

The Southern people, as shown elsewhere, had for seventy 
years been compelled by bargains, deals and other dishonor- 
able methods to labor for "the prosperity" of the ISTorth ; and 
"received no pay for it". 

The public lands, for the purchase of which the South 
had contributed more than a just proportion, had been di- 
vided up into States a majority of which could be relied 
on to vote with the l^orth and render the South's vassalage 
irremediably permanent. 

A wave of fanaticism sweeping over the J^orth between 
1850 and 1860, Maine, Massachusetts, Vermont, ISTew Hamp- 
shire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, 
Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, AVisconsin and Iowa nullified 
that provision of the Constitution which had been transferred 
to it from iSTathan Dane's Ordinance for the Government of 
the jSTorthwest Territory; and Ohio and Iowa refused to 
comply wuth the mutual covenant in the Constitution which 
required them to surrender a fugitive from justice when de- 
mands were made by the Governor of Virginia — all of these 
violations of the Constitutional Compact between the States 
being committed by legislators and Governors who were 
bound by a solemn oath to support that instrument. 

This wave had swept into the ranks of the blind fanatics 
many of the substantial business men of the JSTorth, as the 
conduct of their States demonstrated, and as was declared by 
Kettell (1860) in this sentence: "That political party which 
threatens with fire and sword every Southern hearth, with 
violent death every Southern man, and with dishonor every 
Southern female, and a saturnalia of blood, receives counte- 
nance from merchants whose trade depends upon the good 
will of their threatened neighbors". 

And it was this combination which removed from the 
breasts of many Southerners the last spark of hope that they 
could ever share in the "justice", "the domestic tranquillity", 
and "the blessings of liberty" to secure which their fore- 
fathers had carried their States into the Union. 



Writing to a committee of Xew York lawyers in 1851, Mr. 
Webster said: "In the jSTorth, the purpose of overturning the 
government sliows itself more clearly in resolutions agreed to 
in voluntary assemblies of individuals, denouncing the laws 
of the land, and declaring a fixed intent to disobey them". 

It is true that optimism prevailed in many sections of the 
South, a strong Union sentiment overcoming the fears which 
had been awakened by the disregard of ofiicial oaths in so 
many i^orthern States; but in South Carolina, where still 
smoldered the fires of resentment which had been kindled in 
the "nullification" era, the disunion spirit overcame all oppo- 
sition; and in a few months, either willingly, or driven by 
Mr. Lincoln to choose sides, ten other States followed South 

The right of a State to withdraw from the Union, which 
had never been denied by any respectable authority, and 
which Massachusetts had repeatedly claimed since the estab- 
lishment of the Union — the last time in 181:4 — was con- 
temptously denied by President Lincoln in 1861, who pro- 
claimed and insisted that these eleven States were still mem- 
bers of the Federal Union, and that their citizens had entered 
into "a treasonable combination" against the government. 
But, if we were to grant the claims of the most uncomi^romis- 
ing centralizationists, we could still challenge them to point 
out among the laws of God, or of civilized nations, the stat- 
ute which dooms the Southern people to everlasting submis- 
sion to masters to whose ancestors Washington, Jefferson, Da- 
vie, Williamson, Rutledge, Pinkney and other Revolutionary 
fathers sold themselves. If such a statute can be found, our 
mouths will be closed ; we will admit that Al^raham Lincoln 
knew more about the terms on which the thirteen States 
entered into a Union than Madison, Mason, Jefferson, ]\Licon, 
Davie, Pickering, Hancock, Eawle or Tucker ; and we will 
endeavor to submit cheerfully to the dictation of our masters 
and to the exactions of their avarice and spite. 

The liiGiiT To Secede. 

As to the right of a State to withdraAv from the Federal 
Union, there is no necessity for encumbering these pages Avith 
authorities ; a few will serve our purpose : 


1. The famous ''Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 
1798", which declared that each State in the Union possessed 
the right to judge for itself as to "the mode and measure of 
redress" whenever it became a sufferer from ''infractions" of 
the Constitution, were incorporated in the platforms on which 
Franklin Pierce and James Buchanan were elected to the 

2. William Rawle, who became U. S. District Attorney 
for Pennsylvania in 1791, declined the office of U. S. District 
Judge in 1792, and was Chancellor of the Law Association of 
Philadelphia from 1822 till his death in 1836, wrote an 
elaborate w^ork on the Constitution, which was published in 
1825 ; and in this work, which was the text-book on Consti- 
tutional Law at West Point while Jefferson Davis and Robert 
E. Lee were students there, he said this : 

"The Union is an association of the people of Republics ; 
its preservation is calculated to depend on the preservation of 
those Republics. * * * j^ depends on the State itself, 
to retain or abolish the principle of representation ; because it 
depends on itself, whether it will continue a member of the 
Union. * * * 

'This right must be considered as an ingredient in the orig- 
inal composition of the General Government, which, though 
not expressed, was mutually understood". 

In 1851 Daniel Webster, "the Great Expounder", deliv- 
ered a speech at Capon Springs, Virginia, which is carefully 
excluded from the attractive readers which Xorthern publish- 
ing houses are offering at tempting prices to the schools of the 
South, in which, severely condemning the JN^orthern fanatics 
who were trampling on the rights of the South, he said : 

"How absurd it is to suppose that, when different parties 
enter into a compact for certain purposes, either can disre- 
gard any one provision and expect, nevertheless, the other 
to observe the rest. * -s?- * ^ bargain cannot be broken 
on one side, and still bind the other side". 

Some XoETHEEisr Views As To Coeksiox. 

During the exciting times of the Presidential election of 
1860 and of the gathering storm of secession, before the sup- 
pression of the freedom of speech and of the press in the 


JSTorthern States, there were in many newspapers in that sec- 
tion expressions of sympathy with the Southern States and 
denials of the right to invade and subjugate a seceded State. 
The list of papers, as reported in Greeley's "American Con- 
flict", included the Albany Argus, the Rochester Union, the 
iSTew York Herald, the jSTew York Express, the Utica Ob- 
server, the Bangor Union, the Journal of Commerce, the Bos- 
ton Post and the ISTew York Tribune. Of these the utter- 
ances of two or three will serve my purpose : 

1. The Rochester Union said : "Restricting our remarks 
to actual violations of the Constitution, the ISTorth have led 
the way, and for a long period have been the sole offenders, 
or aggressors. * * -^ Owing to their different circum- 
stances, JSTorthern States have been enabled to secure their 
cherished object by violating the Constitution in a w^ay that 
does not necessitate secession. * * * Owing to their pe- 
culiar circumstances, the Southern States cannot retaliate 
upon the JSTorth without taking ground for secession". 

2. The ssew York Express said : "They fight upon their 
own soil, in behalf of their dearest rights — for their public 
institutions, their homes, and their property. * * * Xhe 
South, in self-preservation, has been driven to the wall, and 
forced to proclaim its independence. * ^ * The admin- 
istration, egged on by the halloo of the Black Republican 
journals of this city, has sent its mercenary forces to pick a 
quarrel and initiate the work of desolation and ruin". 

3 The Bangor (Maine) Union said: "Democrats of 
Maine, the loyal sons of the South have gathered around 
Charleston, as your fathers of old gathered about Boston, in 
defense of the same sacred principles of liberty — principles 
which you have ever upheld and defended with your vote, 
your voice, and your strong right arm. Your sympathies are 
with the defenders of the truth and the right. Those who 
have inaugurated this unholy and unjustifiable war are no 
friends of yours — no friends of Democratic Liberty. Will 
you aid them in their work of subjugation and tyranny? 
* * * Say to them fearlessly and boldly, in the language 
of England's gTeat Lord, the Earl of Chatham, ^ * * 
^If I were a Southerner, as I am a ISTortherner, while a for- 


eign troop was landed in my country, I would never lay 
down my arms — never, never^ NEVER' ". 

President' Lincoln^s Excuse For Invading The Confed- 

South Carolina seceded 74 days before the inauguration 
of Mr. Lincoln and she was followed, before that event, by 
Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, Louisiana and 
Texas ; and 24 days before his inauguration the Provisional 
Constitution of the Confederacy was adopted. President 
Buchanan had said before he retired that the Congress "pos- 
sessed no means of preserving the Union by force", but Mr. 
Lincoln was not handicapped by the Congress, which would 
not assemble till the next December, unless he summoned it. 
This he refused to do ; and, by freeing himself from any 
interference of the courts, by suspending the writ of habeas 
corpus, he usurped all the powers of the three co-ordinate 
departments of the Federal Government, and became himself 
"the Government". 

Then commenced a controversy over the ownership of Fort 
Sumter. That defensive work was built for the sole purpose 
of defending the city and harbor of Charleston from hostile 
attacks by sea ; it was built on land belonging to the State of 
South Carolina ; it was built at the expense of South Carolina 
and her Confederate sisters as well as of the States still in the 
Federal Union; and in so far as it was public property it 
was, in the language of the Constitution, the "property of 
the United States" — the States of the Union. After some 
parleying over the request of the Confederate authorities that 
Mr. Lincoln's Secretary of War be instructed to withdraw the 
Federal garrison from the fort, with the assurance of a read- 
iness on the part of these authorities to settle amicably any 
questions relating to property rights, and the discovery that 
Secretary Seward was, by deceiving the Confederate au- 
thorities, planning to gain some advantage over them, a 
peremptory demand was made for the abandonment of Fort 
Sumter by the Federal garrison; and when this was refused 
the Confederates attacked it and compelled the garrison to 


In the mean time Mr. Lincoln and his Secretary of State 
searched the records for an excuse to declare war against the 
Confederacy; and they found the old act passed in 1795, 
which conferred upon the President the power to suppress a 
"combination" formed in any State to resist the execution 
of a Federal law, by calling forth the militia of that or of 
any other State. Then by insisting that the Confederate 
States were simply such a ''combination", and that Fort 
Sumter belonged to — not the United States — "the Govern- 
ment", they cleared away all obstacles, and Mr. Lincoln 
■entered upon his war of subjugation. 

The Wae From April 15 to July 4. 

After declaring Avar against the Confederacy (which the 
Congress alone possessed the Constitutional power to do), 
Mr. Lincoln prosecuted it, as Allen Thorndike Rice said, 
"with more than kingly power". He blockaded the sea-ports 
of the Confederacy (Apr. 19) ; he authorized a military of- 
ficer to susjDcnd the writ of habeas corpus (Apr. 27) ; he hcKi 
enlisted and added to the regular army 22,714 men, and to 
the navy 18,000 men (May 3) ; he authorized a subordinate 
oiScer in Florida to suspend the writ of habeas corpus ; and 
to meet the expenses of his war up to July 4 — 80 days — he 
drew money out of the treasury — every one of which acts was 
without constitutional authority ; and so glaringly true was 
this that the Senate refused, after the CongTess met on July 
4, to even vote on a resolution offered (July 6) by Senator 
Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, declaring "all these extra- 
ordinary acts, proclamations and orders" to be "legal and 
valid" — as if a Senate Resolution could amend the Consti- 


Li]N"coln's "Combination^" Fiction. 

Four mouths after South Carolina had withdrawu from 
the Uuiou, and more than two months after the adoption of 
the Provisional Constitution of the Confederate Government, 
Mr. Lincoln searched diligently for a legal excuse to invade 
the Confederacy, and he found this in an act passed Feb. 
28, 1795, during the rebellion of the whisky distillers in 
Western Pennsylvania : 

"Whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed, 
or the execution thereof obstructed in any State by combina- 
tions too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of 
judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals 
by this act, it shall be lawful for the President of the United 
States to call forth the militia of State, or of any other 
State or States, as may be necessary to suppress such com- 
binations", &c. Here, he published to the world, was power 
conferred upon him — he found the duty somewhere else — 
to summon the militia of all the States which had not seceded 
to invade and subjugate the Confederate States. 

Xow let the reader stop and reflect. Can he imagine such 
a perversion of the meaning of this old law in the early days 
of the Union! When the political leaders of Xew England 
were planning to bring about the secession of their States, 
Xew York and Xew Jersey, and the formation of a Xorthern 
Confederacy, did it ever occur to Messrs. Geo. Cabot, Timothy 
Pickering, Josiah Quincy and others of their statesmen, or to 
Presidents Jefferson and Madison, that such a Confederacy 
would be a "combination" such as the Whisky Rebellion ? 

But, after the civilized world became shocked at the deter- 
mination to treat as pirates the crew of the Savannah, the 
wanton destruction of private property in the Confederacy, 
the declaration that medicines were contraband of war, &;c., 
the necessity of justifying such savagery became apparent; 
and Mr. Lincoln's apologists began a search among standard 
authorities on international law. The ablest jurists of the 
United States were selected to examine the pages of Bynker- 
shock, Vattel, Grotius, Montesquieu, Wheaton, Kent, &:c. ; 



and they claimed to find justification for all the destruction 
of persons and property in the Confederacy. But interna- 
tional law is defined to be the regulations that govern the 
intercourse between civilized nations, and the appeal to that 
law was a recognition of the Confederacy as a ''nation''. 
Hence when these jurists made public their justification of 
the invasion and devastation of the Confederacy, they made 
public their repudiation of Mr. Lincoln's absurd claim that 
the States of the Confederacy were a "combination" ; and 
hence inferentially they denied his right to invade these 

One of the able jurists whoi appear in the list of apologists 
was James C. Welling, who was editor of the jSTational In- 
telligencer during the war period. In Allen Thorndike 
Rice's "Reminenscences of Abraham Lincoln" Mr. Welling 
places "military necessity" above the Constitution, though 
he does not tell us w^hen, how or by whom Mr. Lincoln was 
empowered to substitute any sort of "necessity" for the Con- 
stitution. Suspecting, however, that sensible persons may 
not be altogether satisfied with such a justification, he appeals 
to "public law", "international law" and "the law of nations" 
as paramount to the Constitution, thus innocently admitting 
that the Confederacy was a "nation", and denying the absurd 
claim in the letter to Minister Adams in which Secretary 
Seward, referring to the people of the Confederacy, called 
them "our citizens". 

But one of the most interesting apologists of the devasta- 
tion of the South was Mr. Allen Thorndyke Rice. Falsely 
assuming that the Southern States seceded in order to pre- 
serve slavery, and that Lincoln's invasion was for the pur- 
pose of liberating the slaves — although he denies this on pp. 
XLIV and XLV, of his "Reminiscences" — he thrusts aside 
the Constitution (pp. XLV and XLYI) and sets up "the 
conscience of the ISTorth" as the law of the land — that "con- 
science" which could justify the passage of acts nullifying 
the Constitution by legislators who had sworn to be governed 
by it. 

Clearing away, then, every thing that confuses us in our 
search for the real motive and excuse for the invasion of the 
Confederacy we come to the naked acceptance of the doctrine 


that '"might makes right", and that perfidy is excusable if 
"conscience" demands it. And having acquired this clear- 
ness of vision we are prepared to look without surprise on 
the fact that jS'ew England, acting through an Emigrant Aid 
Company, organized a rebellion against the Federal govern- 
ment in 185-i, and that when brought before a Congressional 
committee appointed to inquire into their crimes, the leaders, 
including some of the "merchant princes" of Boston, and all 
of them noted for their devotion to "gTeat moral ideas", gave 
a false account of their share in the rebellion, and one of 
them whose name a Kansas town commemorates testified 
untruthfully that he had had no part in furnishing "Sharpe's 
Rifles" to "defend Kansas from the American Government", 
as Rev. Theodore Parker said in his Journal of April 2, 
1854, and to support "the great cause", as Rev. Edward 
Everett Hale called it in his "Kansas and JSTebraska". — See 
Ewinff's "Northern Rebellion and Southern Secession". 

The Writ Of Habeas Coepus. 

After struggling for their personal and property rights, 
during many generations, with their king, who claimed a 
divine right to rule according to his own will, our British an- 
cestors constrained King Charles II to consent to the famous 
Habeas Corpus Act, the full significance of which can be 
learned from the following comments of Blackstone on this 
feature of the British Constitution : 

"Of great importance to the public is this preservation of 
personal liberty, for if once it were left in the power of any, 
the highest magistrate to imprison arbitrarily whomever he 
or his oificers thought proper, there would soon be an end of 
all other rights and immunities. Some have thought that 
unjust attacks, even upon life or property, at the arbitrary 
will of the magistrate are less dangerous to the common- 
wealth, than such as are made upon the personal liberty of 
the subject. To bereave a man of life, or by violence to 
confiscate his estate without accusation or trial, would be so 
gross and notorious an act of despotism, as must at once 
convey the alarm of tyranny throughout the kingdom ; but 
confinement of the person by secretly hurrying him to jail, 
where his sufferings are unknown or forgotten, is a less pub- 
lic, a less striking, and therefore a more dangerous engine 
of arbitrary government. And yet, sometimes, when the 
State is in real danger, even this may be a necessary measure. 
But the happiness of our constitution is that it is not left to 
the executive power to determine when the danger of the 
State is so great as to render this measure expedient, for it 
is the parliament only or legislative power that, whenever it 
sees proper, can authorize the Crown, by suspending the Ha- 
beas Corpus Act for a short and limited time, to imprison 
suspected persons, without giving any reason for so doing". 

This provision of the British Constitution was adopted and 
statuted into the Constitution which the thirteen States of 
ISTorth America laid down as the fundamental hiAv of their 
Union. After delegating to the Congress the power to 
"raise and support armies", "to declare war", frc, they added 



this among other restrictions : "The jDrivilege of the writ of 
habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases 
of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it". 

ISTot possessing, therefore, the slightest particle of authority 
for so doing. President Lincoln, in the early months of 1861, 
usurped the j)Ower to suspend the privilege of this writ, and 
hundreds of the best citizens of Maryland, jS'ew York and 
other States were arrested, without warrants, and imprisoned 
in Fort. McHenry, Fort Warren, Fort Lafayette, &c. Be- 
tween July 1 and August 19, 1861, one hundred and seventy 
five gentlemen w^ere thrust into Fort Lafayette, the circum- 
stances of their arrest and confinement being easily inferred 
from the treatment of Mr. Pierce Butler, who was suspected 
of being in correspondence with persons in the Confederacy. 
He was arrested in Philadelphia ; there was no w^arrant or 
assigned cause ; his trunks, drawers, wardrobe, and every 
thing he had in his apartments were searched, and his private 
papers were taken from him. Then his office was examined, 
and his books and papers taken, and then he was hurried off 
to Fort Lafayette, where he was kept five weeks in confine- 
ment; and, when he was liberated, he was denied any legal 
redress for the outrage. 

Another shameful disregard of personal rights, which has 
been carefully excluded from the War Records — the name 
of the victim not appearing in the index — was the arrest and 
confinement of Mr. Charles J. Ingersoll, of Philadelphia, 
because he claimed that "freedom of speech" which cannot 
constitutionally be "abridged". He was the son of Jarecl 
Jngersoll, a delegate to the Continental Congress (1780-1), a 
member of the Convention wdiich framed the Federal Con- 
stitution, and was honored with judicial offices till his death ; 
and he himself had been fourteen years District Attorney 
for Pennsylvania, and ten years (1839-1849) a member oi 
Congress. But this despotic act created such a stir in the 
]!*^orth that, as Alden's Manifold Cyclopedia says, "it was- 
found advisable to release him, after a brief detention". 

Another victim of this despotism was John Merryman, a 

highly respectable citizen of Maryland. Guilty of no offense^ 

known to the laws of any civilized country, he was seized in 

his bed by an armed force, and imprisoned in Fort McHenry. 



He petitioned the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the 
United States for a writ of habeas corpus. It was issued; 
but it was successfully resisted by the officers of the Wash- 
ington government. This was in May, 1861, thus early in 
the war reminding the people of the Xorth as well as of the 
South that no man possessed any rights which the government 
felt bound to respect. 

Another sample of Mr. Lincoln's means of ''saving the 
Union" was this: In May, 1864, there appeared in the Xew 
York World and in the Journal of Commerce a spurious call 
for four hundred thousand volunteers, which had the Presi- 
dent's name signed to it. Without permitting any investi- 
gation as to the responsibility for the forgery, Mr. Lincoln 
ordered Gen. John A. Dix, who was stationed in the city of 
iN'ew York, for some purjDose, "forthwith to arrest and im- 
prison in any fort or military prison -^ -^ -^ the editors, 
proprietors, and publishers of the aforesaid newspapers * * * 
and hold the persons so arrested in close custody until they 
can be brought to trial before a military commission for their 
offense" ; and he was further ordered "to take possession, by 
military force, of the printing establishments * * * 
and hold the same until further orders". 

Another order was sent the same day to Gen. Dix, New 
York ; Gen. Cadwalader, Philadelphia ; Col. Bomford, Hav- 
risburg; and Capt. Foster, Pittsburg, "to take military pos- 
session of the offices of the Independent Telegraph Company" 
in all these cities, "and of all the instruments, dispatches, and 
papers * -^^ *^ ^i^fj arrest the managers, operators, su- 
perintendents, and hold them in close custody until further 
orders, and permit no telegram to be sent", &c. 

On the next day an order was sent to Gen. Lew Wallace, 
Baltimore, to "take military possession of the telegraph line 
known as the Independent or Inland Telegraph and its of- 
fices and instruments, materials, papers, and dispatches" ; and 
to arrest the agents, superintendents, and operators, and 
"parole them to appear before you when required". 

Gen. Dix reported two days afterwards (May 20) that 
the author of the forged proclamation was Joseph Howard, a 
writer employed by the IN'ew York Times ; that he "was very 


frank in his confession" ; said it was a "stock jobbing opera- 
tion", intended to affect Wall Street prices. 

But Mr. Howard, there being no 'Svarrant", no "present- 
ment or indictment of a grand jury", no "due process of 
law", no "speedy trial", no rights of any sort supposed to 
belong to men of the Anglo-Saxon family, was shipped to 
Fort Lafayette, and kept in close confinement till the 24th 
of August. 


Regulations As To PEisoisrEKS. 


In 1775 "the General Court of Massachusetts, exercising a 
sovereign power, passed an act for encouraging the fitting out 
of armed vessels to the seacoast of America, and for erecting 
a court to try and condemn all vessels that should be found 
infesting the same. This act granting letters of marque and 
reprisal, ^ * * ^y^s pronounced by John Adams, one 
of the most important documents in history' ". This was 
while George III was recognized as the sovereign of those 

In 1861 — 86 years afterwards — Abraham Lincoln de- 
clared to be pirates the ofiicers and crews of ]3rivateers com- 
missioned by the government of the Confederate States, no 
man being their recognized sovereign. 

The Confederacy being exposed at all the seaports to hos- 
tile attacks from the powerful naval armament of the United 
States, and having no navy of its own, resorted to privateering 
as our ancestors did when John Paul Jones became a terror 
to British merchantmen. About the same time (Apr. 19, 
1861) President Lincoln issued a proclamation forbidding 
the people of the Confederacy to export their cotton and ex- 
change it for foreign goods, including medicines ; and de- 
claring his purpose to treat as pirates any Paul Joneses w-ho 
might be captured by his naval forces. And this purpose as 
to prisoners was repeated and emphasized May 21, 1861, in a 
dispatch from the State Department (w^hich Mr. Lincoln 
carefully corrected and amended) to Mr. Charles Francis 
Adams, LTnited States Minister in London. Accordingly, 
w^hen the privateer Savannah was captured early in June, 
1861, the crew w^ere carried in irons to ISTew York; but, 
when President Davis, having heard how they were being 
treated, sent a remonstrance to President Lincoln and a 
threat to retaliate, the letter, although never answered, had 
the desired effect. And again a similar threat saved from the 
gallow^s the Captain of the Jefferson Davis, who with his creAv 
was confined as a pirate in Philadelphia. 



During the early months of the war the status of the Con- 
federate soldiers, when captured, was uncertain. There be- 
ing no authority conferred by the Constitution to coerce a 
sovereign State, if it withdrew from the Union, an old law 
was found, which by a shameful stretch of the imagination 
was claimed to justify an invasion of the Confederacy. It 
was passed about the time of the "whisky insurrection" in 
Western Pennsylvania, and it authorized the use of force 
whenever there should be a "combination too powerful to be 
suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings". 
Hence the Confederate soldier was a "traitor", and the hang- 
man's noose might be expected if he were captured. 

But after the 21st of July, 1861, when the battle of 
Manassas gave to the Confederacy an enormous preponder- 
ance of prisoners, the clamors of the families and friends of 
the f)i'isoners, intensified perhaps by the fears of retaliation, 
forced the Federal authorities to abandon their claim of 
"piracy", and to permit commanders in the field to make 
exchanges under flags of truce. But, after nearly 15,000 
Confederates surrendered at Fort Donelson in February, 
1862, the Federals refused to make any more exchanges until 
the successes of the Confederates in Virginia in the first half 
of 1862 gave them more than 13,000 prisoners. Yielding 
then to the demands of the families of the prisoners, Mr. 
Lincoln consented on the 22nd of July to a cartel for ex- 
changes, based on that of the war of 1812 between the 
United States and Great Britian; and in accordance with 
it exchanges commenced and continued without much friction 
till the results of the campaigns of 1862 gave the authorities 
of the Xortli an excuse to disregard the cartel as well as 
the clamors of their own people ; and, after the fall of Yicks- 
burg on the 4th of July, 1863, sent nearly 32,000 Confed- 
erates to ISTorthern prisons the cartel was utterly repudiated 
by the Federal government. Two days before this disaster 
President Davis sent Vice-President Stephens with a letter 
to President Lincoln — there being a glimmer of hope that, as 
Messrs. Stephens and Lincoln had served together in the 30th 
Congi'ess, the personal influence of the former might accom- 
plish something — urging compliance with the cartel ; but 
he was not allowed to go farther than jSTewport jSTews. Then, 
after rejDeated failures through the ordinary channels, Presi- 


dent Davis sent to President Lincoln a delegation of prison- 
ers from Andersonville to plead tlieir own cause, which 
those who have read of the "horrors of Andersonville" must 
suppose would have been effective; but President Lincoln 
refused to see them, and they went back to the ^'horrors". 

After the fall of Vicksburg, the Confederacy was cut into 
two parts, neither of them being able to strengthen the other ; 
and as all of Missouri, West Virginia and Kentucky, and 
nearly all of Tennessee and a considerable part of Arkansas 
had been overrun by Federal forces, the recruiting ground of 
the Confederacy was disastrously contracted; and, since the 
United States authorities, by offering a six-hundred dollar 
bounty, could draw recruits from Europe, Asia and Africa, 
the downfall of the Confederacy seemed to be simply a ques- 
tion of time if every captured Confederate soldier were held 
till the end of the war. This was the reason, as we learn 
from the records, why the Federal authorities preferred that 
their captured soldiers should remain without hope in South- 
ern j)risons. 

ISToETHEKN Humanity. 

1. In January, 1863, the Confederate Commissioner of 
Exchange proposed to the LTnited States Commissioner that 
all prisoners should be attended by a sufficient number of 
their own surgeons, who should have power to distribute 
such contributions of money, food, clothing and medicines 
as might be forwarded for their relief. But to this commu- 
nication no reply was ever received. 

2. When the delegation of Andersonville prisoners were 
refused permission to see President Lincoln, they were made 
to understand that the interests of the ITnited States govern- 
ment required that they go back to the prison and remain 
there; and the chairman of the delegation declared (accord- 
ing to a letter from his widow) that he was more contempt- 
ously treated by Secretary Stanton than he ever was at 
Andersonville. — Southern Hist. Society Papers. 

3. In the summer of 1864 Mr. Ould, the Confederate 
Commissioner, offered to purchase medicines from United 
States authorities for the exclusive use of Federal prisoners, 
and to pay two or three prices, if necessary, in cotton, tobacco 


or gold, adding that Xortlierii surgeons might come with 
the medicines to insure their exclusive use for Federal pris- 
oners. But no notice was taken of the proposition. 

4. In the summer of 1864 the Confederate authorities, 
satisfied that there would be no further exchanges, offered to 
deliver, without equivalents, at the mouth of the Savannah 
river from ten to fifteen thousand sick and wounded ISTorth- 
ern prisoners ; but transportation did not arrive till November, 
thus compelling these unfortunate prisoners to endure for 
three more months ''the horrors" of Andersonville. 

5. In the autumn of 1864 (See War Records, Series 2, 
vol. 8, p. 1284) the 6,000 or 8,000 Confederates confined 
at Rock Island, 111., "nearly naked and barefooted" in the 
'^chill and pitiless winds of the upper Mississippi", were so 
shamefully starved that they ate rats, mice and dogs (those 
which went there "with teams"), and were insulted by 
having negro guards. Many of them, to save life, "took tho 
oath of allegiance" ; but 5,000 of them ''resolved to die 
rather than to do so." 

And I add here for the information of coming generations 
of our people that the report of Surgeon General Barnes for 
1865, in which the barbarous treatment of Confederate pris- 
oners and the excessive death-rate in Xorthern prisons were 
revealed, cannot be found, as the Surgeon General of the U. 
S. Army informed "Mr. Marcus J. Wright" in 1905. Even 
the Secretary of War seems to have been ashamed of its 


Savage Warfare. 

In 1775, a year before the Declaration of Independence 
and while the Colonies acknowledged G-eorge III as their 
sovereign, a Lieutenant Mowatt, of the royal navy, appeared 
before Falmouth (now Portland), Maine, informing the 
inhabitants that he had come to inflict just punishment on 
them for their treason, and giving them two hours "to re- 
move the human species out of the town". A committee of 
the townspeople managed to stay the bombardment till next 
morning. Then shells and other missiles began to be fired 
into the tov^n, and by night "one hundred and thirty nine 
dwelling houses and two hundred and twenty eight stores, 
are said to have been burnt". 

This was Britian's method of punishing her acknowledged 
subjects. Of it Washington wrote : "The desolation and 
misery which ministerial vengeance had plamied, in contempt 
of every jDrinciple of humanity, and so lately brought on 
the town of Falmouth", &c. And Gen. Greene, writing to a 
friend about this savagery, said that if the Continental Con- 
gress could "behold the distress and wretchedness * * '"" 
it must, it would, kindle a blaze of indignation against the 
conunissioued pirates and licensed robbers". 

Bearing in mind, now, the moral code which George 
Washington and Xathaniel Greene held to be binding on a 
royal government in its dealings with disobedient subjects, 
we are prepared to judge fairly whether Mr. Lincoln's war 
against people who were not his subjects, can find its justifi- 
cation in that code. 

1862, Feb. 9th, Judge Quid, Confederate Commissioner 
of Exchange, wrote to Col. Ludlow, U. S. Commissioner of 
Exchange: "T see from your own papers that some dozen 
of our men, captured at Arkansas Pass, were allowed to 
freeze to death in one night at Camp Douglas" ; and there 
is no denial of this charge to be found in the War Records. 

On Jan. 11, 1S63, the whole command to which this writer 
belonged (about 3,000 officers and privates) was captured 
at Arkansas Post, and the privates were carried to Camp 



Butler, near Springfield, Illinois. The boat which conveyed 
this writer had scarcely any accommodations for the pris- 
oners, and during a night spent in the river at Memphis one 
of the privates was frozen to death. 

One night, while in Camp Butler, this writer went to the 
well after water. It was very dark. On his way back a 
sentinel challenged him for a debate about the causes of the 
war. In a short time the sentinel discovered that a minie 
ball was the best argument he had ; and he shouted : "Damn 
you ; if you don't get into the barrack, I'll shoot you". Of 
course the barrack was sought; and, just as the flash of light 
showed him where the door was, he fired his gun, the ball 
missi,ng his victim by a hair's breadth. 

"Was he reported to his superior oflicers ?" some reader 
may ask. His act was the best proof of his "patriotism" ; 
and the prisoners knew very well that the legal code of the 
prison was satisfactorily typified by the name of the comi- 
mander (Col. Lynch). 

One day this Col. Lynch ordered all the prisoners out of 
their quarters, and into line ; and, while one set of his 
underlings were searching our sleeping places for plunder, 
another set were searching our persons for money. Many 
prisoners were compelled to take olf their shoes, and, if one 
was slow in turning his pocket inside out, the "patriot" 
would thrust his hand into it. 

And when, about the middle of April, we were placed on 
a railroad train to be sent South, pillagers were sent through 
each car to take from us everything we had except the 
clothes we had on and one blanket apiece, many of us having 
had the good luck to draw an extra coat or blanket out of a 
supply sent us by some ladies of Missouri and Arkansas. 

On April 5, 1863, some physicians who had been employed 
by the "United States Sanitary Commission" to visit and 
inspect Camp Douglas, near Chicago, and Gratiot Street 
jDrison, Saint Louis, reported from Albany, X. Y. : "In our 
experience we have never witnessed so painful a spectacle as 
that presented by these wretched inmates ; without change of 
clothing, covered with vermin, they lie in cots, without mat- 
tresses, or with mattresses furnished by private charity, with- 
out sheets or bedding of any kind, except blankets, often in 
rags ; in wards reeking with filth and foul air. The stench 


is most offensive. * * * From January 27, 1863, when 
the j)risoners (in number about 3,800) arrived at Camp 
Douglas, to February ISth, the day of our visit, 385 patients 
have been admitted to the hospitals, of whom 130 have died. 
* " ^ Besides this, 130 prisoners have died in barracks, 
not having- been able to gain admission even to the miserable 
accommodations of the hospital, and at the time of our visit 
1.50 persons were sick in barracks w^aiting for room in hos- 

Then, after describing the conditions at Saint Louis, which 
they said were worse than those at Chicago, they added : "It 
is surely not the intention of our government to place these 
prisoners in a position which will secure their extermination 
by pestilence in less than a year". 

On May 25, 1863, H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief, is- 
sued this order from the War Department, Washington, D. 
C. : "Xo Confederate officer will be paroled or exchanged till 
further orders. They will be kept in close confinement", &e. 

In Lhe winter of 1863-4 the barbarous treatment of the 
Confederate prisoners in Camp Chase caused them to send 
a respectful protest to the Commander of the prison, ac- 
cording to Private W. C. Dodson (of Wheeler's cavalry) in 
the Atlanta Journal ; and for this offense every signer of the 
complaint was treated to "'ball and chain and handcuffs", 
among them being S. F. Xunnelee, who had been shot in 
his hip, and could hardly walk before he was shackled. 

On July 11, 1861, Gen. B. H. Kobertson reported from 
John's Island to the Confederate Commander in Charleston, 
informing him that after a skirmish with the enemy "negro 
prisoners asserted that Col. Silliman, commanding Twenty- 
sixth Regiment U. S. Colored Troops, in the presence of 
Brig.-Gen. R. Saxton (who has always commanded negi'oes), 
gave orders to show^ no quarter" ; and he further said that 
Private Cooper, of Company B, Second South Carolina Cav- 
alry, had fallen into the hands of the enemy, after being- 
wounded ; but that the ground was recovered, and Cooper 
was found to have been bayonetted "in six or seven different 

A few nights after July 22, 1861, as I was sitting on our 
breastwork on the south side of Atlanta, I saAv the first of 


Sherman's mortar shells flying throngh the air and falling 
into the city — a piece of fiendishness about which he and 
General Hood had an interesting correspondence. 

In Mr. J. C. Hines' diary he says that in Fort Delaware 
j)rison Colonel Lewis, a South Carolinian, was returning 
from a privy to the barracks when a sentinel ordered him to 
''double-quick". Being a wounded sufferer, he refused ; 
whereupon he was shot and killed. This was in July 1864. 

During the war there was an effort to release the Confeder- 
ate prisoners in Camp Douglas, 111. One of the parties en- 
gaged in the plot was Col. G. St. Leger Grenfell, who came 
across the water after long and faithful service in the British 
army. He was arrested, tried by a court-martial, and sent 
to Fort Jefferson which had been built on one of the Tortugas 
Islands in the Gulf of Mexico as a prison for bounty- jumpers 
and deserters. On Jan. 15, 1868 — three years after the 
close of the war — he addressed a letter from this prison to 
Henry L. Stone, Esq., Louisville, Ky. (See Confederate 
Veteran, April, 1906), in which this occurs: 

"This is not to be wondered at when I tell you that I was 
shut up in a close dungeon for ten months, every orifice care- 
fully stopped up except one for air, denied speech with any 
one, light, books, or papers. I could neither write nor re- 
ceive letters. I was gagged twice, tied up by my thumbs 
twice, three times drowned (I am not exaggerating), and all 
this for having written an account to a friend of some punish- 
ments inflicted on soldiers and prisoners here, and the bare 
truth only, which statement he (Gen. Johnson) published 
in the ^^ew York World". 

On April 22, 1864, Col. Ryan, commanding post, writing 
to Gen. Kimball from Lewisburg, Ark., said: "I have just 
returned from Prairie County. * * * I have a scouting 
party in that county, who will remain there three days: 
They will notify the principal citizens that they and their 
property will be held responsible for the lives and property 
of Union men"- — traitors to their State. 

On 1^0 V. 24, 1864, Milton Dotson, of Perrin's Mississippi 
Cavalry Regiment, was captured at Powder Springs, Ga. : 
and Gen. O. O. Howard ordered him shot in retaliation for 
the killing of one of his soldiers. After the report of this 


order reached Judge Ould, Confederate Commissioner of 
Exchange, he protested to Gen. Grant against such barbarity ; 
but his letter was never answered. 

On April 21, 1865, Brig.-Gen. R. W. Johnson, Pulaski, 
Tenn., writing to Gen. Whipple, Department of the Cumber- 
land, said: ''On Sunday, the 9th inst., three soldiers. Brewer, 
Stutts, and Kiddy by name, with two confederates, who 
would not show themselves, and cannot therefore be identi- 
fied, belonging to a company of the Second Tennessee Mount- 
ed Infantry, U . S. Army, which is stationed at Clifton, came 
to the house of Mr. William Johnson, living on Sugar Creek, 
some eighteen or twenty miles southwest of this place, and 
demanded of his wife, he not being at home, $12,000. She 
told them she had no money, when they hung her and her 
daughter several times, completing their diabolical work by 
each of them outraging the person of Mrs. Johnson. From 
Johnson's house these men went to the house of John D. 
Wade, Johnson's brother-in-law, living in the same neighbor- 
hood, and by the same process of hanging and threats ex- 
tracted $50 from him", &c., &c. 

On April 24, 1865, Col. Vail, 17th Indiana Mounted In- 
fantry, reported as follows to his superior officer : 

"I would respectfully call your attention to the fact that a 
great number of depredations are being committed by par- 
ties of brigands, dressed in our own and Confederate uni- 
forms, on all the roads leading (from Macon, Ga.) into the 
country. Houses are burned and the country desolated as 
far out as fifteen miles. "" * ^ There seems to be no 
pickets on the roads, and negroes are coming into the city 
from every direction and will soon become a burden and en- 
danger the city. I would respectfully ask that some meas- 
ures be taken to prevent them from coming here". Where- 
upon his superior ofiicer, Maj. Beaumont, writes : "Picket 
posts, outposts, and vedettes must at once be jn-operly posted 
to prevent the influx of negroes and depredations by our own 
troops", &c. 

On May 25, 1865, four gentlemen who represent them- 
selves as "late members of Congress", writing from Paducah, 
Ky., to Secretary Stanton, said : 

"Small bodies of colored soldiers, sent from C(^lumbus, 


Kj., into XortliAvest Tennessee to recruit, are committing un- 
paralleled depredations. Shameful outrages on persons and 
property of the most loyal are inflicted ; and, worse still, they 
are breaking into the court-houses and public ofiices and ut- 
terly destroying all State and county records, court papers, 
guardian and administrators' bonds, dockets, judgments, and 
title papers". 

On June 27, 1865, Capt. Johnson, Second Maine Cavalry, 
reporting from Montgomery, Ala., to Gen. A. J. Smith, Six- 
teenth Army Corps, said : ''It appears that deserters from 
both armies have been lurking about in Coffee county and 
adjoining comities for over a year, committing depredations 
upon the property of both loyal and disloyal men. * * * 
From the best information I could gather more than fifty 
men, mostly deserters from the First Florida Cavalry, U. S. 
Armj, are engaged in robbing, plundering, and committing 
acts of violence". 

On Sept. 4, 1865 — nearly five months after the surrender 
of the Confederate "combination" — President Johnson sent 
a dispatch to Gen. Thomas, ISTashville, Tenn., in vdiich this 
occurs : 

"I have information of the most reliable character that 
the negro troops stationed at Greenville, Temaessee, are under 
little or no restraint, and are committing depredations 
throughout the country, domineering over, and in fact run- 
ning the white people out of the neighborhood. Much of 
this is said to be attributable to the officers, who countenance 
and rather encourage the negroes in their insolence and in 
their disorderly conduct. The negro soldiery take posses- 
sion of and occupy property in the town at discretion, and 
have even gone so far as to have taken my own house and 
converted it into a rendezvous for male and female negroes, 
who have been congregated there, in fact making it a common, 
negro brothel". 


Hespect foe Private Property and for JSTon-Com- 


On January 28, 1781, Lord Cornwallis, in an order issued 
at "'Camp near Beatty's Ford", said it was "needless to 
point out to the officers the necessity of preserving the strict- 
est discipline, and of preventing the ojDpressed people from 
suffering violence by the hands from whom they are taught to 
look for protection". 

On Feb. 17, 1781, he issued another order from "Head- 
quarters, Dobbins House", in which he said: ''Any officer 
who looks on with indifference and does not do his utmost to 
prevent shameful marauding will be considered in a more 
criminal light than the persons who connnit these scandalous 

And again: on March 1, 1781, an order Avas issued at 
"Smith's Plantation" to search for a '"watch" and some other 
articles of which "a woman" had been robbed, &c. 

On December 18, 1864, Gen. Halleck sent this dispatch to 
Gen. Sherman, who was at Savannah : "Should you capture 
Charleston, I hope that by some accident the place may be 
destroyed" ; and Sherman, replying, said : "I will bear in 
mind your hint as to Charleston. * * -^ When I move 
the Fifteenth Corps will be on the right of the right wing, 
and their position wall bring them naturally into Charleston 
first, and if you have watched the history of that corps you 
will have remarked that they generally do their work up 
pretty well". 

And this General's army, when it reached Fayetteville, X. 
C, burnt the arsenal, five dwelling houses near it, the office 
of the Fayetteville Observer, the old Bank of Xorth Carolina, 
eleven large warehouses, five cotton mills, and several dwell- 
ings in various parts of the towni ; and in the suburbs almost 
everything was destroyed, including nine houses in one lo- 
cality. — See Dowd's Life of Vance. 

On May 1st, 1862, Xew Orleans fell into the hands of 
Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts; and then fol- 



lowed a reign of terror, robbery, and ontrages of every de- 
scription, such as these people had hoped that even the "God- 
fearing Puritans" would not be guilty of. 

Of the crimes committed by this man against persons and 
property, against the old and the young, against male ant! 
female, there is no need of my going into particulars ; but I 
cannot dismiss him without recording three of his acts : 

1. A boat's crew, five days before the occupation of Xew 
Orleans by the invaders, placed a U. S. flag on the mint; 
whereupon Wm. B. Mumford and some others took it down 
and restored the Confederate flag. For this deed Gen. Butler 
had Mumford hung. 

2. In August, 1862, Gen. Butler robbed the Louisiana 
State bank of Xew Orleans, and sent all its assets and depos- 
its to the treasury at AYashington. 

3. When the ladies of Xew Orleans, after having had 
abundant evidence of the savagery of their masters, ceased 
to treat them as gentlemen worthy of their respects. Gen. But- 
ler issued an order that these ladies should be "regarded and 
held liable to be treated as a woman about town plying her 

On the ITth of July, 1862, the Federal Congress passed 
an act to confiscate "all the estate and property, moneys, 
stocks, and credits" of every Confederate soldier who re- 
fused, after "public warning" for sixty days to desert the 
military service of the Confederacy. 

In his message announcing his approval of this shameful 
work of perjured usurpers, Mr. Lincoln said : 

"It is startling to say that Congress can free a slave within 
a State and yet, if it were said the ownership of the slave had 
first been transferred to the nation" — the Xorth, of course, 
being the nation — "and Congress had then liberated him, 
the difficulty would at once vanish. And this is the real 

The day after the passage of this act Major General Pope 
issued an order that "as far as practicable" his army should 
"subsist" upon the property of Virginia; and on the same 
day he issued "General Orders Xo. 7", in which he notified 
the people in his rear that they should be responsible for 
any damage done by "guerrillas" to the railroads and tele- 


graph lines of which he had robbed their o^\Tiers ; and 
that, if one of his men were iired on at any place "distant 
from settlements", the people within five miles aronnd 
shonld "be held acconntable, and made to pay an indemnity 
sufficient for the case". 

On Jnly 22, 1862, the Secretary of War, nnder instrnc- 
tions from President Lincoln, issned an order empowering 
military commanders in Virginia and elsewhere "to seize 
and use any property, real or personal, which may be neces- 
sary or convenient for their several commands for supplies 
or for other military purposes", and "to keep accounts suf- 
ficiently accurate and in detail to show quantities and 
amounts and from whom taken, as a basis ujDon which com- 
pensation can be made in proper cases". This was mor- 
ally on a par with highway robbery, and the pretense that 
"compensation" would be made was designed to deceive hon- 
est on-lookers throughout the civilized world. 

On July 23, IS 62, Gen. John Pope issued an order di- 
recting the murder of peaceable Virginians as spies, if found 
quietly tilling their farms in his rear ; and Steinwehr, one 
of his brigade commanders, seized upon innocent and peace- 
able inhabitants, to be held as hostages,' to the end that they 
m.ight be murdered in cold blood if any of his marauders 
were killed by some unknown persons whom he called "bush- 

On Aug. 6, 1862, Capt. Israel Stough, lith Ohio Infan- 
try, reporting a trip made by him and 155 of his men from 
Meadow Bluff to Greenbrier Piver, W. V., on a raid, says: 
"I arrested on the evening of the same day Lanty Graham 
and his son, Joseph A. The old man is known to be a vio- 
lent secessionist. I also brought in 3 of his horses, whicli 
have been handed over to the brigade quartermaster". 

In May, 1863, Col. Benjamin Henry Grierson with three 
regiments of cavalry made a raid from the Northern border 
of Mississippi through the interior of the State, and joined 
Gen. Banks at Baton Rouge, and during the trip he disgraced 
the name of soldier by pillage and arson and savage out- 
rages against defenseless women and children. 

During the war a Bureau was established by the Wash- 
ington government to take charge of to^^ai and country prop- 


erty from which the owners had been driven. Such prop- 
erty was leased to tenants, and the rents were sent to the 
treasury at Washington. 

In March, 1863, CoL Ulric Dahlgren, with five hundred 
marauders, struck the James River and Kanawha canal 
twenty-two miles west of Richmond. Thence he moved to- 
w^ards the city pillaging and destroying dwelling houses, out- 
buildings, mills, canal boats, grain, and cattle, and cutting 
one lock on the canal. 

On March 12, 1863, an act was passed by the U. S. Con- 
gress authorizing and directing military commanders to take 
possession of and sell or lease any lands, houses, stock, or 
any property from which the owners had been driven, and 
convert the proceeds of the sales or leases to the public use.' 

In 1863 President Lincoln employed Dr. Francis Lieber 
to frame a code of rules for the government of armies en- 
gaged in "civilized" warfare. Dr. Lieber was a Prussian ; 
he believed in the doctrine that "all just government rests on 
the consent of the governed" ; he had been in a Prussian 
prison on the charge of plotting against the government; he 
had proved his faith by going to the assistance of Greece 
when she was struggling for the rights the Confederacy 
claimed ; he had finally fled to the United States for safety ; 
and had been honored by South Carolina with the Professor- 
ship of Political Economy in her L'niversity. Among the 
rules agreed upon by Mr. Lincoln and his advisers were the 
following: "It is lawful to starve the hostile belligerent, 
armed or unarmed" ; "military necessity admits of all direct 
destruction of life and limb of armed enemies and of other 
persons whose destruction is incidentally unavoidable * * 

* and of all withholding of sustenance or means of life 
from the enemy" ; and, as to giving warning to women and 
children of the invader's intention to bombard a city, "it i& 
no infraction of the common laws of war to fail to do so". 

These regulations could mean nothing less than that Pres- 
ident Lincoln, in order to "save the LTnion", as he called it, 
possessed a right to destroy all means of subsistence in eleven 
of the States, as he claimed, of the LTnion, and to extermi- 
nate the people by famine or shot or shell or fire. 

In the latter part of August, 1863, J. H. Grider, Com- 


mander at Bowling Green, Kentucky, sent this order to Mr. 
Richard Browder : '^'You are hereby ordered to pay to J. 
H. Morton at these headquarters on the 1st day of Septem- 
ber, 1864, $100, for the purpose of re-inibursing Union cit- 
izens in your county and neighborhood for their losses by 
rebel soldiers and guerrillas. By not complying fully with 
this order an additional sum of 50 per cent will be added to 
the above amount". 

Against this outrage Gov. Thomas E. Bramlette appealed 
to President Lincoln, September 3rd ; but no notice was 
taken of it. 

On jSTov. 5, 1863, Major-General TJ. S. Grant issued from 
Chattanooga General Orders, No. 4, in which this occurs : 
"Wealthy secession citizens will be assessed in money and 
provisions for the support of Union refugees who have and 
may be driven from their homes and into our lines by the 
acts of those with whom such secession citizens are in sjin- 

On Jan. 16, 1864, Quartermaster-General M. C. Meigs 
directed Brigadier General Bobt. Allen, Quartermaster at 
Louisville, Ivy., to gather for the nse of the \J. S. armies all 
the crops on "the Mississippi plantations" from which their 
owners had been driven. 

In April, 1864, General Orders Xo. 43, issued from the 
headquarters of Major General Franklin (U. S. Forces in 
West La.), declared that, while the Federal army was 
marching from Grand Ecore, La., to Alexandria, there was 
"indiscriminate marauding and incendiarism". 

On April 30, 1864, Secretary Stanton sent an order to 
the commanders of the armies directing them to supply 
their troops with "animals and provisions from the terri- 
tory through which military operations are (were) conduct- 
ed" ; and for fear perhaps that the civilized world would be 
shocked by the barbarity of the order, he added that this 
order "will not be printed". 

On May, 22, 1864, Gen. John P. Hatch reported that 
Gen. Birney had ravaged a part of Florida, carrying off 
3,000 cattle and 150 bales of cotton. 

On August 6, 1864, H. W. Bowers, Assistant Adjutant 
General, reported from Key West, Florida, that the Sec- 


ond Florida Cavalry (traitors to their State), assisted by 
some companies of the Second U. S. Colored Troops, had 
■'dnring the past month, captured 17 horses, 8 mules, 530 
bags of cotton" ; and had "destroyed" 3 plantations, 1 mill, 
2 bridges, and one fourth of a mile of railroad track. 

Secretary Stanton, writing Aug. 7, 1864, to Major-General 
Burbridge, Louisville, Ky., said 

"Your mode of mounting cavalry by seizing horses of 
disloyal persons is approved, and you are authorized to 
seize all you can lay your hands on; and if you do not need 
them yourself, turn them over to the Quartermaster's De- 
partment for general service". 

On August 17, 1864, 343 Ohio and Massachusetts troops, 
commanded by Col. A. L. Harris, 75th Ohio Mounted In- 
fantry, made a plundering raid through a part of Florida. 
At Gainesville they were met by 175 Florida cavalrymen, 
commanded by Col. J. J. Dickison, Second Florida Cav- 
alry, who defeated and scattered them, capturing 188 pris- 
oners, killing IS, and wounding 5, and recovering a large 
amount of property which had been taken away from private 
families in that section by these "grandly loyal defenders of 
the Republic". 

Whereupon Gen. John P. Hatch, Headquarters District 
of Florida, writing to Col. Harris, Sept. 27, said: "Your 
men disgraced their country by their lawless pillage. That 
troops so little under discipline meet with a disgraceful de- 
feat is not surprising". 

In compliance with the purpose of the "rules" Gen. Robert 
H. Milroy, when he coveted the dwelling of Mr. Lloyd Lo- 
gan, of Winchester, Yirginia, as headquarters for himself 
and a home for his wife, drove out Mrs. Logan and her 
family, including a sick child, forbidding their carrying 
with them a change of clothing and the medicine which a 
physician had prescribed for the child. 

On October 17, 1864, Gen. W. T. Sherman wrote from 
Summerville, Ga., to Gen. James. H. Wilson: "T am going 
into the very bowels of the Confederacy and propose to leave 
a trail that will be recognized fifty years hence." 

On the same day (17th) he wrote to Col. Beckwith : "I 
propose to abandon Atlanta and the railroad back of Chatta- 


nooga, and sally forth to ruin Georgia and bring up on tlie 

On October 29, 1864, while he was at Rome, Ga., he wrote 
as follows to Brig-Gen. Watkins, Calhoun, Ga. : "Cannot 
you send over about Fairniount and Adairsville, burn ten or 
twelve houses of known secessionists, kill a few at random, 
and let them know that it will be repeated every time a train 
is fired on from Resaca to Kinston" — on the railroad, he 
meant, of which he had robbed its owners. 

At the close of Gen. Sherman's "glorious march through 
Georgia," he reported to Gen. Halleck that he had devas- 
tated a strip of the State "thirty miles on either side of a 
line from Atlanta to Savannah," and that he had damaged 
the State as much as $100,000,000, the principal obje^-ts 
of his wrath being, according to Gen. Judson Kilpatrick, 
cotton, meal, fodder, molasses, salt, grist-mills, saw-mills, 
cotton gins, rice, potatoes, wagons, carts, tools, &c. 

In the autumn of 1864 Gen. P. H. Sheridan, with ,55,000 
troops, devastated the famous Valley of Virginia, embrac- 
ing seven or eight of the best wheat-producing counties in the 
Confederacy. He wrote: "I have destroyed over 2,000 barns 
filled with wheat, hay and farming implements ; o\ er sev- 
enty mills filled with flour and wheat; have driven in front 
of the army 4,000 head of stock, and have killed and issued 
to the troops over 3,000 sheep". And he boasted that if a 
crow undertook to fly across the Valley he would "have to 
carry his rations with him" — a boast which the iSTew York 
American said in January, 1903, might have applied to 
the "entire South". 

On Sept. 20, 1864, when Gen. Grant heard of this whole- 
sale highway robbery, he ordered Gens. Butler and Meade to 
fire '! 00 guns in honor of it. And the spirit and purpose of 
the Federal authorities may be inferred, if we had no other 
evidence, from a dispatch sent from Atlanta on the 27th of 
August, 1864. It said: "Gen. Sherman says if Gillmore 
has taken Charleston and fails to lay the city in ashes, he 
will be sacrificed by his troops. His superiors, the l^ortli- 
ern people, demand the utter destruction of Charleston". 

On February 24, 1865, Lieutenant Andrew Jackson, of 
an Indiana Cavalry Regiment, reported that he with 25 men 


had destroyed all the bridges in a certain part of South Caro- 
lina; a grist mill; 2 warehouses, with 1,500 bushels of corn, 
100 bushels of wheat, 75 sacks of flour, 19 barrels of molas- 
ses, 6 bales of cotton, 10 bales of hay; and a lot of axes, 
saws, picks, shovels, &c. 

Another sample of such warfare occurred in South Caro- 
lina after the war was ended. An ex-soldier from Texas, 
named Calvin Crozier, was on his way home, accompanied 
by some ladies. When the train arrived at l^ewberry some 
lawless negro soldiers who were in camp near by went into 
the car and grossly insulted the ladies. Crozier and some 
others resented the insults, and one of the negroes was slight- 
ly wounded. Before the train left the commander of the 
negroes. Col, Trowbridge, sent a squad of them to arrest 
the offender. They made a mistake and seized a railroad 
employe, who without a trial was ordered to be shot. Cro- 
zier having heard of the arrest and condemnation of this man 
went to the negTO camp and declared that he was the man 
who inflicted the wound; and at sunrise next morning he 
was shot. 

In illustration of the work done in compliance with the 
"rules of civilized warfare", the following incident is a fit- 
ting sample : An officer belonging to Col. John S. Mosby's 
command was posted with a small detachment of men just 
outside the lines of Sheridan's cavalry, while they were un- 
fitting the Valley of Virginia for the passage of a crow, to 
watch the movements of scouting parties. It was night; and 
in the effort to obtain information this detachment pene- 
trated the enemy's lines, and when they started back to their 
camp they were compelled to kill a picket. For this the Fed- 
eral commander sent out a body of men and burned the 
homes of four peaceful citizens. At daylight, seeing the 
house of a Mr. Sowers on fire, a detachment of Mosby's 
men went after the incendiaries, and found them so loaded 
down with plunder that they did not stop to face their pur- 
suers, although numerically they were fully able to cope with 
them. They had robbed the house of everything they could 
carry off, not allowing the family anything except the clothes 
they wore. 

In March, 1865, some of Gen. W. T. Sherman's soldiers 


robbed Alexander O. Grady, the father of this writer. They 
took his buggy, hitched his best horse to it, broke open his 
smoke-house, loaded the buggy with the choicest pieces of 
bacon, which they carried off. They were preparing to break 
into his clock in their search for money, but they were per- 
suaded by one of his faithful slaves to let the clock alone, 
he assuring them there was no money in it. And they went 
over the neighborhood searching for hidden treasure, using 
their bayonets as probes, thus exhibiting traits of char- 
acter which tradition has never attributed to the soldiers of 
Cornwallis, who marched through that county on their way 
from Wilmington to Yorktovoi. 

During the time of the subjugation of Missouri the fam- 
ous '^'Thom. Ewing Order" was issued, by which the popu- 
lation of two counties was deported and their property was 

Early in the war General Robert E. Lee's home place at 
Arling-ton was seized by agents of the Washington govern- 
ment, and during his life compensation was refused. 

In August, 1865, three months after the war ended, 331 
bales of cotton belonging to the State of Xorth Carolina 
were seized by a Federal treasuiy agent ; and in April, 
1866, 125 other bales were seized; and the State's appeals 
for justice have all fallen on deaf ears. 

As soon as Southern farmers suceeded, after the war, in 
producing a good crop of cotton, and were looking with 
hope on the prospect of repairing much of the damage done 
by iSTorthern troops, the Congi-ess levied a tax of two cents 
per pound on the crop, and the farmers were compelled to 
"stand and deliver" ; and although the Supreme Court de- 
cided that Congress possessed no power to take this money, 
it has never been returned to its owners. 



As the inroads on the Confederacy, contracting its borders 
and destroying the means of snbsistence, rendered it nnsafe 
as well as inconvenient to maintain military prisons where 
their captnre could be effected by advancing armies or raid- 
ers, and as there was no hope of early exchanges, xinder- 
sonville, Ga., was selected early in 1864 as a site for one of 
the principal prisons. It was in the sonthwest part of the 
State, ont of the reach of raiders ; it was in a healthy coun- 
try ; water and timber were abundant ; and it was in the 
midst of productive farms. To this place prisoners were 
transferred from the exposed cities and towns of the Con- 
federacy, the transfers beginning in February, 1864. These 
men fared just as their guards did, having the same rations 
and the same medical attention, and as to the "horrors" 
of their treatment, of which so much has been said and 
written during the last forty years, we may judge from 
the fact, reported by Secretary Stanton on July 19, 1866, 
that of the 220,000 (round numbers) Confederates in jSTorth- 
ern prisons 26,436, or 12 per cent, died; while of 270,000 
Federal soldiers confined in the Southern prisons only 22,- 
57 Q, or 8 per cent. died. It is true that this excess of mortal- 
ity of Southern soldiers was explained by Mr. Blaine, in 
his debate with Mr. Hill, of Georgia, by claiming that "dur- 
ing the later period of the war" Confederates fell into the 
hands of their captors "very much exhausted, ill-fed, diseas- 
ed", &c., Mr. Blaine being unconscious of the extravagant 
compliment he was paying these men — men who, thus dis- 
abled for service, stood manfully in line of battle fighting for 
the Confederacy. 

About the middle of May, 1864, gangrene and scurvy 
made their appearance in the Andersonville prison, and in 
June Gen. John H. Winder, who had general charge of pris- 
ons, went there to search for causes and to provide reme- 
dies. After studying the situation he advised a removal of 
the prisoners to other points ; and forthwith he was instructed 
to remove them to Millen and elsewhere as soon as arrange- 
ments could be perfected. Gen. Winder did all that he 


could to abate the pestilence while arranging for hospital ac- 
commodations outside the prison and for removals of pris- 
oners, and while Commissioner Ould was endeavoring to 
purchase from the Federal Authorities those medicines which 
were "contraband of war". In September Gen. Winder re- 
moved the main body of the prisoners to Millen and thence 
to Florence, S. C. 


MoREis Island Baebaeity. 

About May 1, 1861, the inroads of the enemy on the 
northern borders of the Confederacy began to necessitate the 
removal of Federal jDrisoners to safer places in the South, 
as Andersonville, Savannah, Charleston, &c. To the latter 
place were carried on June 12 fifty Federal officers, five of 
them being generals ; and on the next day Gen. Sam. Jones, 
the Confederate commander, sent this letter to Gen. Foster, 
the Federal commander at Hilton Head : 

"Five generals and forty-five field officers of the U. S. 
army, all of them prisoners of war, have been sent to this 
city for safe keeping. They have been turned over to Brig.- 
Gen. Ripley, commanding the First Military District of this 
Department, who will see that they are provided with com- 
modious quarters in a part of the city occupied by non-com- 
batants, the majority of whom are women and children. It 
is proper, however, that I should inform you that it is a part 
of the city which has been for many months" — nine — "ex- 
posed day and night to the fire of your guns". 

On June 15 the Federal officer on Folly Island, to whom 
Gen. Ripley had written about these prisoners, announced 
that he would continue "the usual fire on the city, with a 
constant change of direction", until he received further or- 

On June 16 Gen. Foster informed Gen. Jones that appli- 
cation had ben made to President Lincoln for fifty Confed- 
erate officers whom he might expose to 'the fire of the guns in 
the Confederate fortifications at Charleston. 

Thereupon the following Confederate officers were sent 
from Fort Delaware to Charleston, arriving at Hilton Head 
on June 30 : Maj.-Gens. Edward Johnson and Franklin 
Gardner; Brig-Gens. J. J. Archer, Geo. H. Steuart and M. 
Jeff. Thompson ; Cols. R. Welby Carter, IS^. Cobb, Basil W. 
Duke, M. J. Ferg-uson, J. M. Hanks, Richard C. Morgan, 
James A. Pell, W. II. Peebles, A. S. Vandeventer, Wm. W. 
Ward, Wm. Barbour, J. IST. Brown, J. A. Jaquess, B. E. 
Caudill, W. H. Forney; Lieut.-Cols. James F. Brewer (prob- 
ably a mistake for Joseph T. Brewer, of Forrest's Cavalry), 

]01 ' 


P. E. Davant, J. P. Fitzgerald, C. L. Haynes, O. A. Patton, 
W. M. Parsley, A. L. Swinglej, Joseph T. Tucker, D. H. L. 
Martz, A. Diipree, T. C. Jackson, M. J. Smith, D. AV. An- 
derson; Majors J. W. Caldwell, J. T. Cai-son, W. T. En- 
nett, J. E. Groce, Horace A. Higley, E. M. Henry, E. A. 
iNash, L. J. Perkins, Geo. H. Smith, E. J. Sanders, T. 
Steele, Thomas B. Webber, J. M. Wilson, AY. H. Manning, 
T. E. Upshaw, F. F. AA^'arley, and 'W. L. Davidson. 

On Jnne 27 Gen. Foster ordered the officer on Morris Is- 
land to erect qnarters for these prisoners in places where 
they wonld be most exposed to the fire of Confederate bat- 
teries and forts ; thongh he omits Halleck's order to have 
them "pnt in irons, if necessary". 

The day after the prisoners reached Flilton Head, and 
while the transport carrying them was "anchored nnder the 
gnns of the AA^abash", the Federal prisoners in Charles- 
ton heard what was going on; and the generals wrote this 
letter to Gen. Foster : 

"The journals of this morning (July 1) inform us, for the 
first time, that 5 general officers of the Confederate service 
have arrived at Hilton Head, with a view to their being sub- 
jected to the same treatment that we are receiving here. AA^e 
think it is just to ask for these officers every kindness and 
courtesy that you can extend to them, in acknowledgment 
of the fact that we, at this time, are as pleasantly and com- 
fortably situated as is possible for prisoners of war, receiv- 
ing from the Confederate authorities every privilege that we 
could desire or expect, nor are we unnecessarily exposed to 
fire." The signers were H. AY. AA'essells, T. Seymour, E. P. 
Scammon, C. A. Heckman and Alexander Shaler. 

On the same day these five generals sent to the AA'ar De- 
partment at ^^'ashington a statement similar to the one quoted 
above, and urged that arrangements be made for a general 
exchange of prisoners. They said : ''There are many thou- 
sands confined at southern points of the Confederacy, in a 
climate to which they are unaccustomed, deprived of much 
of the food, clothing, and shelter they have habitually re- 
ceived, and it is not surprising that from these and other 
causes that need not be enumerated here much suffering, sick- 
ness and death should ensue". And they added that it was 


their firm belief that exchanges were "called for by every 
consideration of humanity". 

On July -i Gen. Foster wrote to Gen. Jones and also to the 
five general ofiicers reciprocating "^the desire for an ex- 
change of prisoners", but insisting on the removal of those 
prisoners from Charleston as a necessary condition prece- 
dent, thus demanding a confession of the truth of the false- 
hood which those ofiicers had exposed. Of course, this was 
not done. 

On July 7 Gen. Foster sent to Gen. Halleck the letter of 
the five generals, and suggested that an exchange be made. 

On July 19, President Lincoln, Secretary Stanton and 
Gen. Halleck having had time to consider the effect of the 
letter of the five generals on the relatives and friends of 
these prisoners who were suffering the "horrors" of Ander- 
sonville, Halleck wrote a letter to Foster which has l^een lost 
or destroyed ; but its contents were understood by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Stewart L. Woodford (127tli i^ew York Volun- 
teers), Agent for exchange, to authorize something like a gen- 
eral exchange. In his letter to Gen. Foster (Series I, 
Vol. XXX V^ Part 2, War Records, p. 280) he says in refer- 
ence to an exchange he had made with Major Lay, Confeder- 
ate Agent: "Supposing that you had authority under Gen. 
Halleck's letter of July 19 to do so", &c. Evidently there 
was something in Halleck's letter which subsequent events 
rendered it prudent to suppress, this inference from Wood- 
ford's letter being strengthened by this sentence in Gen. 
Grant's letter to the Secretary of War in which he orders 
(August 21) that no more exchanges be allowed: "I tele- 
graph this from just hearing that some 500 or 600 more pris- 
oners had been sent to Major-General Foster". 

On July 20 a report from Folly Island said the "prison- 
houses for the rebel prisoners" were not completed. 

On July 28 a report said these prisoners were still on 
board the vessel which carried them to Hilton Head. 

On July 29 Gen. Foster informed Gen. Jones that he was 
authorized to exchange prisoners ; and accordingly it was 
done on the 3rd of August. But the letter from the War 
Department authorizing this exchange has been lost or sup- 
pressed, as it cannot be found in the War Records. 

Thus we reach the end of an episode of the war which can 


reflect nothing but discredit on Gen. Foster and the War 
Department. The full history has not reached us; many 
letters appear to have been suppressed ; and we are left to our 
imaginations. But there can be no doubt, in view of the tes- 
timony which has been preserved that there was no justifi- 
cation for Foster's having these prisoners sent to Charles- 
ton; and the only excuse we can imagine to-day was his 
desire to commend himself to his masters at Washington City 
or to "fire the hearts" of the ^N^orthern people. 

August 3, 1864, Gen. Schimmelfennig reported that two 
escaped Federal ofiicers (prisoners) told him that 650 Fed- 
eral prisoners were in Charleston jail, lately brought there 
from Macon. They said two other bodies of Federal prison- 
ers, amounting to about 1000, had been started to Charleston, 
but for some reason they were not brought through. 

On August 4, Gen. Foster wrote from Hilton Head to 
Gen. Halleck advising a general exchange of prisoners. His 
views were known to the Confederate authorities, and their 
anxiety for an exchange caused them to remove to Charles 
ton several hundred prisoners from other places. On this 
very day "three line ofiicers escaped from the railroad train 
en route to Charleston" were sent JSTorth with the 50 ofiicers. 
Here is Foster's letter: 

"The information given by our prisoners of war, now 
liberated, and by deserters, also by the late rebel papers, 
represent that our soldiers now prisoners at Andersonville, 
Ga., are destitute of comforts and necessaries, and are rap- 
idly dying. The number of deaths per day varies, accord- 
ing to reports, from 30 to 70. I do not know what the 
wishes of the government may be, but if it desire that our 
imprisoned soldiers may be exchanged, so as to relieve them 
from their distress, I can easily have the matter arranoed 
with the Confederate authorities so as to effect an exchange 
here. The exchange can be made by way of the Savannah 
River, and we can easily arrange to guard any nuuil er of 
prisoners on our islands here, and to supply them at least 
as bountifully as our men are supplied that are in the hands 
of the enemy. 

"I think the Confederate authorities are very desirous to 
have an exchange effected, both of ofiicers and of men. The 


insecure position in which our prisoners liave been confined 
probably causes this desire. They have already been obliged 
to remove our officers from Macon, and 600 of them have 
already arrived at Charleston and the others are to fol- 
low ; this from its being the only secure place and the hope 
that it may induce to a still further exchange. 

•'T shall notify Maj.-Gen. Samuel Jones that no more ex- 
changes will be made through Charleston Harbor, and that 
if any are authorized by the government they will be made 
by the Savannah River. The effect of this is to induce them 
to remove our officers from Charleston to Savannah, so that 
our fire may be continued on the city without the risk of 
hurting our friends. I have, however, taken pains to ascer- 
tain where our prisoners were .confined so as to direct the 
fire to the other parts". 

On August 6 Gen. Foster gave instructions to Lieut.-Col 
Stewart L. Woodford, Acting Judge-Advocate, directing him 
to accompany Maj. J. F. Anderson, aide-de-camp, to Port 
lioyal Ferry, for the purpose of being introduced to Maj. 
Lay, of the Confederate forces, as the officer who would in 
future conduct all exchanges at that point. On the 16th he 
obeyed his instructions, and on the 17th he reported to Gen. 
Foster. Among other things he said : 

"In conformity with an arrangement previously made be- 
tween Majors Anderson and Lay, I took with me 8 Confed- 
erate privates and duly exchanged them for the same num- 
ber of U. S. soldiers. * * * 

"In obedience to your verbal instructions, given me on 
the 14th inst., I asked Major Lay what authority he had 
in regard to the future exchange of prisoners, and he re- 
plied that he was empowered to exchange man for man and 
rank for rank, as many prisoners of war as we would deliver 
to him in this department. He further stated that he was 
able to exchange a large number of private soldiers, and was 
directed to facilitate such exchange by all proper means. 

"I replied that you were personally desirous of exchanging- 
all the prisoners of war whom you properly could, and that 
you had written to the War Department at Washington, ask- 
ing instructions upon the entire subject of a further exchange 
in this department. * * * 

"In conclusion, I would respectfully state that I am fully 


satisfied that an exchange of our officers now confined at 
Charleston, Savannah, and Macon can be effected, as also of 
many of our soldiers who are confined and suffering at 
Andersonville, Ga. The privates received bj me yesterday 
unite in describing the condition of their late comrades at 
Andersonville as being pitiful in the extreme. * * * They 
beg the government to at least exchange as many of their 
number as possible, and thus save them from further agony. 
In their prayer I respectfully concur". 

On August 9 Gen. Jones wrote as follows to Gen. Foster : 

"I have the honor to communicate to you that Maj. J. F. 
Lay, assistant adjutant-general of my staff, will meet any 
officer of your staff whom you may designate, at Port Royal 
Ferry, on Tuesday morning next (16th instant), at 8 a. m. 
Major Lay will deliver to him the equivalent of 26 privates, 
reported by him as due to your government upon the recent 
exchange, and will also take do^vn a number of privates in 
exchange for those now held by you, a willingness to ex- 
change whom was expressed by Major Anderson, of your 
staff. There has been an unavoidable delay in bringing to 
this place the officers desired for exchange". 

On August 12 Col. E. G. Marshall, 1-lth N. Y. Artillery, 
wrote from the Columbia (S. C.) prison to Gen. Sam. 
Jones, as follows : 

"1 am one of the unfortunate prisoners of war now con- 
fined at this place. I would ask you if there is a likelihood 
of an early exchange through your department, and, if so, 
you will cause my transfer to Charleston, so I may be 
exchanged as early as possible ?" 

On August 15th Gen. Foster informed Gen. Jones that he 
had received information that 600 "rebel prisoners" were 
to be sent to Charleston to be exposed to the fire of Confeder- 
ate guns ; but no letter or dispatch conveying this informa- 
tion can be found in the War Records. 

On August 17 Lieut.-Col. Woodford wrote the letter 
partly quoted above, informing Gen. Foster of his interview 
with ]\Iaj. Lay, Woodford having had "verbal instructions" 
from Foster. And a question arises just here : If on August 
14 Gen. Foster encouraged the Confederates to expect some- 
thing like a general exchange, when did he receive orders 
from Halleck to place the 600, when they arrived, "between 


Wagiier and Gregg" ? It is not likely that such an order 
could have reached him in four days, nor is any such order 
to be found in the War Records. 

August 17, 1864, GOO Confederate prisoners in Fort Del- 
aware were selected, as they were told by the Sergeant (Mur- 
phy) who waited on them and an officer from the Fort, for 
exchange. Five hundred and fifty of them were sound, and 
50 were wounded. They went on board the Crescent City 
on tlie 20th. 

On August IS Foster wrote to Halleck: "The rebels are 
anxious to exchange. They say that their desire is that two 
old regular officers like Jones and myself may have charge 
of the matter, so that it may be fairly done without any po- 
litical jars and interruptions" — referring perhaps to the 
importance of so managing the exchange business as to affect 
the result of the Presidential election which was to come off 
in less than three months — "Jones seems well disposed, so 
our released prisoners say. He sent an apology to Gen. Wes- 
sells for placing the 600 officers under fire in Charleston. 
Tie stated that he did not place them there to l:>e under fire, 
but that they were merely en route. The truth is that they 
are so short of men as guards that they have no place to put 
their prisoners in except Charleston and Savannah". 

In the same letter Foster informed Halleck that as soon 
as the 600 "rebel officers" arrived he would place them "im- 
mediately on Morris Island between Wagner and Gregg". 
(Did Lincoln's government select 50 wounded and diseased 
prisoners to be exposed to the fire of the Confederate bat- 
teries ?) 

August 21, 1864, Gen. IT. S. Grant sent this dispatch from 
City Point, Va., to Secretary Stanton, Washington: "Please 
inform Major-General Foster that in no circumstances will 
lie be allowed to make exchange of prisoners of war. Ex- 
changes simply re-enforce the enemy at once (sic), wliiL-t 
^.\e do not get the benefit of those received for two or thrc^^e 
months and lose the majority entirely (sic). I telegra])h 
this from just hearing 500 or 600 more prisoners had been 
sent to Major-General Foster". 

August 26, Foster to Dahlgren: "Six hundred rebel offi- 
cers arrived yesterday, to be placed under fire on ]\rorris 


jsbnd. 1 propose to take them uj? to-morroAv morning' be- 
tween daylight and 10 o'clock. As the steamer in which 
they are confined is very much crowded, I wonld respectfully 
lequest that you send one of your fleet with the prison ship 
as a convoy. It will be two or three days before the pris- 
oners can be landed", &c. 

August 30, 1864, Rear Admiral .J. A. Dahlgren, Com. 
South Atlantic Block. Squadron, writes to Capt. J. F. 
vireen, Senior Officer off Charleston, from Port Royal ITar- 
h>ji\ S. C, informing him that "six hundred rebel officers*'" 
were being carried to Charleston, and enclosing the follow- 
ing extract from a letter he had received from Gen. J. G. 
Foster (Hilton Head), Maj. Gen. Com. Dept. South: 

'"1 wish to have the steamer with the prisoners on board 
mo-.)red as near Fort AVagner as possible, so that she will be 
•jompletely in range of the guns of that fort and your gun- 
oo'dts". The boat was the "army transport Crescent". 

On September 5 Foster ordered that shells be fired into the 
most populous portions of Charleston; and directed how it 
could be done. 

On September 7 the 600 were placed in the stockade on 
jVIorris Island, exposed to the fire from Confederate guns in 
Fort Sumter and on Sullivan's Island ; and Gen. Foster 
selected a negro regiment from Massachusetts, commanded 
by Col. Edward ]^. Hallowell, to guard the prisoners — an in- 
sult of which no British officer in the Revolution was ever 

On September 10 General Jones wrote to Foster, inform- 
ing him that he had heard about the exposure of the 600, and 
asking him "if they receive in all respects, save location, the 
treatment accorded to prisoners of war among civilized na- 
tions", and adding: "I make this inquiry because I believe 
you are retaliating on those officers for a supposed disregard 
of the usages of civilized warfare in the treatment extended 
to U. S. officers, prisoners of war, now in this city. Those 
officers are comfortably housed and receive the treatment due 
prisoners of war, and I will repeat what I have before had 
occasion to say to you, that I shall gi-eatly deplore any neces- 
sity you may force on me to direct any change in their treat- 
ment. If by the 15th instant T receive no reply, I shall bo 


justified in the conclusion that my supposition is correct".. 
To this letter there is no reply in the War Records. 

September 17, 1864, Gen. Rufus Saxton sends a dispatch 
from Morris Island to Gen. Foster, informing him that "in- 
telligent deserters" say that Federal shells are falling "in the 
most populous portion of the city". 

September 17, 1864, the deserters mentioned above tell 
Saxton that the Andersonville prisoners are being moved to 
Charleston, and that 10,000 Federal prisoners are now in 
the city. 

September 27, 1864, Gen. Saxton reports that there is a 
great deal of sickness among the Confederate prisoners, and. 
he thinks it due to "a want of proper food". 

October 4, 1864, Foster says he had not yet allowed "6 
rebel officers" to take the oath of allegiance, although he had 
obtained permission from Washington to do so, his reason 
being: "They seem to be the most worthless and unreliable 
fellows in the whole lot". 

October 4, 1864, Foster says some of the Confederate pris- 
oners "are sickening on their scant fare, and one has died". 

Oct. 4, 1864, while many Charlestonians are struggling 
to relieve the necessities of the Federal prisoners in Charles- 
ton, Foster reports that shells from Federal batteries reach 
"the whole upper part of the city". 

October 4, 1864, Foster says he has "positive information" 
that many of the people of Charleston — whom he was shell- 
ing every day — exerted themselves every way to relieve the 
necessities of the Federal prisoners with food, clothing, &c. 

October 13, 1864, Foster boasts that Federal shells are 
driving the people from' the upper part of the city "to the 
burnt district". 

October 13, 1864, Foster says yellow fever is on the in- 
crease in Charleston; and that the Federal prisoners have 
been moved to Columbia and other towns in the ]^orthern 
part of the State; but that he is determined to keep "the 
rebel prisoners under fire". 

October 20, 1864, Foster reports that he has removed "the 
rebel prisoners" to Fort Pulaski, Ga. 

October 20, 1864, Foster, in the report referred to above, 
says he has forwarded another communication "full of par- 


ticulai's" about the 600 Confederate prisoners ; but it is not 
in the War Records. Possibly it revealed so much brutality 
that even the Secretary of War was ashamed of it, and had 
it destroyed. 

On October 21st the "rebel prisoners" were transferred to 
Fort Pulaski, Ga., and the 157th I^ew York, commanded by 
Col. Philip P. Brown, jr., was sent as their guard. 

On October 24:th Gen. Foster wrote Col. Bro^vn, complain- 
ing that he did not have three prisoners shot who attempted 
to escape by jumjoing overboard ; but the letter does not ap- 
pear in the War Records. 

Thus the evidence is beyond dispute that there was no in- 
tention on the part of tlie Confederate authorities to mis- 
treat the prisoners in their hands ; that those who were sent 
to Charleston were sent because Gen. Sam. Jones had been 
led by Gen. Foster to believe that a general exchange could 
be etTected. And all the circumstances, including the losing 
or suppression of letters and dispatches, if not interpolations 
and erasures after the war, make it clear that the wanton 
brutality of Mr. Lincoln's government was a pretended retal- 
iation in order to arouse the i^orth to greater exertions, or to 
affect the result of the Presidential election in the following 
November, about which Mr. Lincoln was extremely anxious. 

JSToTES OF Messes. Hines and Johnston. 

The notes of Lieutenant John Charles Plines, 5th ]^. C. 
Cavalry, and of Lieutenant Seymour Anderson Johnston, 
23 Ya. Infantry, which they intend for their "grand children 
to read", have been very nnich condensed for lack of space ; 
but I have preserved enough to make it clear that in this 
boasted age of Christian enlightenment and humanity there 
can be reproductions of the man (Julius Caesar) who, after 
defeating and scattering the male ITsi23ites and Tenchtheri, 
sent his cavalry to butcher their women and children — nearly 
two thousand years ago ; and that the treachery and perfidy 
which were supposed by Livy and other historians to blacken, 
the character of Rome's Carthaginian enemies, are now re- 
garded as exceptional virtues, entitling those who have been 
conspicuous in the display of them to select niches in Halls 
of Fame. Mr. Llines was captured on the loth of Sejiteni- 
ber, 1863, at Jack's Shop (near Orange Court House, Ya.) ; 


and Mr. Johnston was captured at Spottsylvania Court 
House on the 12th of May, 1864, eight months after the cap- 
ture of Mr. Hines. 

Mr. Hines was first carried to Wasliington (Catholic) 
Hospital ; then to Lincoln Hospital, where he resented the 
brutality of a wardmaster in kicking and beating a sick pris- 
oner who refused to scour the floor ; and, for this offense, he 
was transferred to Old Capital Prison, where he remained 
till January 12, 1864. Thence he was carried to Fort Mc- 
Henry, where he spent thirteen days in a filthy and disgaist- 
ing den. Then he was carried to Point Lookout, where he 
was kept about a month in a hospital. Then, his wounds 
having healed up, he was placed under negro guards in the 
stockade where about 40,000 Confederate soldiers were con- 
fined. There he sometimes saw the negroes fire their guns 
and wound or kill men who had committed no offense. After 
a while all the ofiicers were sent from this place to Fort Del- 
aware, from which the 600, including Messrs. Hines and 
Johnston, were selected to go to Charleston, the latter having 
spent some time at Point Lookout before he was transferred 
to Fort Delaware. 

They left this place, August 18, 1864, on board the Cres- 
cent, which was 132 feet long and 32 feet wide, and the guard 
consisted of two companies of United States troops. The 
prisoners were confined to the forward part of the ship ; and 
not more than fifty at a time were permitted on deck where 
they could get a breath of fresh air. Mr. Hines suffered 
beyond description, having to sleep near the boiler of the 
engine. ''The sweltering heat of the hold", says Mr. John- 
ston, ''cannot be described, and the excessive perspiration is 
beyond conception except by those who experienced it". "The 
ration", says Mr. Hines, ''was a few hard tack and a small 
piece of raw pork ; and the drinking water for the prisoners 
was such condensed steam as they could catch in their cups, 
which their thirst seldom permitted to cool". 

They reached Charleston on August 29th; but the Cum- 
ming's Point stockade not being completed, they were trans- 
ferred to an old filthy cattle boat about large enough for one- 
fourth of them. There the suffering was intense ; "and one 
pint of hot water per day", says Mr. Johnston, "was all we 


had". After spending 9 days in this jDrison boat, they were 
landed on Morris Island, '^hardly any of them", says Mr. 
Hines, ''being able to walk". Scurvy soon broke out among 
them, and many of them succumbed to its ravages. 

The stockade to which they were carried was 150 feet from 
the water's edge. Battery Wagner, held by the Federals, be- 
ing 200 yards to the rear, and in front were Fort Sumter, 
800 yards off, and the Sullivan's Island guns, a mile away; 
hence all the shells from Confederate batteries aimed at Fort 
Wagner had to pass over the prisoners. The guards were 
negroes ; and some of them, having run away from their 
South Carolina homes, were guarding their masters. 

A day's ration was three hard tack and three oimces of 
bacon or pork, which, says Mr. Hines, "AVilliam F. Murphy 
would eat, and then cry" ; and Mr. Hines says that the Col- 
onel who commanded the negroes (Edward N^. Hallo well, of 
Massachusetts) told the prisoners he "would take pleasure in 
reducing their rations to a greasy dish-rag, if it was in his 

After spending 43 days on Morris Island the prisoners 
were transported to Fort Pulaski, at the mouth of the Savan- 
nah itiver. "Our guard here", says Mr. Johnston, "was 
220 men, all that Early left of the 157th ^t. y. in the bat- 
tle of Gettysburg"; and the Colonel (Philip P. Brown, jr.) 
was, says Mr. Hines, "a gentleman". "He secretly furnished 
food to the sick and the starving". "The ration here", says 
Mr. Johnston, "was ten ounces of musty and wormy corn 
meal, taken from barrels which had been filled and kiln-dried 
in New York in 1861, as the marks on the barrels showed". 
And when sifted and cleaned, continues Mr. Johnston, "the 
ten ounces would not amount to more than six". 

There was fearful mortality at Fort Pulaski, among the 
victims of this barbarism being Robert Bryan Carr, of Du- 
plin County, jST. C. From this pen the remnant of the 000 
were returned to Fort Delaware, where they were confined 
for about two months after hostilities ceased. 


"Geandly Loyal, Defenders of the Republic^\ 
two contkasts. 

On June 30, 1775, Gov. Josiah Martin, of ISTorth Carolina, 
writing to the Earl of Dartmouth, said : "A most infamous 
report had been propagated among the people, that I had 
formed a design of arming the negroes, and proclaiming free- 
dom to all such as should resort to the King's standard". 

In 1863 — 88 years afterwards — Abraham Lincoln began 
the work of "proclaiming freedom, to the slaves and arming 
them ; and exhibited his feelings towards their owners by 
preferring negro troops to guard them in his prisons, 

ISTarrating events just before the battle of Trenton, Irving 
says of Washington: 

"He calculated upon the eager support of his troops, who 
were burning to avenge the outrages on their homes and 
families, committed by these foreign mercenaries. They 
considered the Hessians mere hirelings ; slaves to a petty 
despot, fighting for sordid pay, and actuated by no sentiment 
of patriotism or honor". 

In 1862 — 86 years afterwards — Abraham Lincoln began 
to invite "foreign mercenaries", "actuated by no sentiment of 
patriotism or honor", to come over and assist him in the work 
of devastating the States of the Confederacy ; and altogether 
he succeeded in hiring nearly 500,000 of them. 

In the beginning of the struggle for the rights of the 
Southern Confederacy the -leaders of the I^orthern people 
felt that they could soon conquer "the rebels". In Secretary 
Seward's dispatch to Charles Francis Adams, Mr. Lincoln's 
minister to England, dated May 21, 1861, he said, "Great 
Britain has but to wait a few months and all her present in- 
conveniencies will cease with all our own troubles". Hence, 
when Mr. Lincoln called for 75,000 troops to suppress "the 
combination", the rush to the front was somewhat of a holi- 
day excursion; but after the battle of Manassas, which 
proved that the war would be no picnic, the evident probabil- 
ity that more troops would be needed than unstimulated 
"patriotism" would send to the front, induced the Congress 
the day after the battle to pass an act offering a bounty of 



$100. But even this bid for enlistments failed to bring into 
the service the number of men called for; and drafting be- 
came necessary, although it is no uncommon thing to see in 
the books, magazines and newspapers of the K^orthern States 
that when "the old flag was fired on at Sumter the ISTation 
flew to arms" — the people of the ISTorth, of course, being the 

It strikes us of to-day as inexplicable, that when "the life 
of the nation" was endangered, and the "rebels" struggling 
to cause "government of the people, and by the people and 
for the people to perish from the face of the earth" (as Mr. 
Lincoln charged in his famous Gettysburg speech), any able- 
bodied man in the North hesitated to offer his services for 
the subjugation of tlie "rebels". But, if we go back to the 
records and familiarize ourselves with what they reveal, our 
V7onder will cease. We shall find a situation which i shall 
not attempt to describe, and of which I must beg my renders 
to be content with a few glimpses. 


Less than a month before the inauguration of President 
Lincoln, and after the organization of the Confederate Gov- 
ernment, John A. Logan, of Illinois, a member of Congress, 
delivered a scathing rebuke to the advocates of "coercion" in 
the House of Representatives, who had shown themselves un- 
willing to agree to any "concession or compromise", and 
ready to go to "war for the subjugation of these revolting 
States" ; and in every jSTorthern State there were staunch sup- 
porters of the political creed which Mr. Lincoln repudiated, 
many of them boldly criticizing his usurpations. But the 
suspension of the writ of habeas corpus ; the sulijeeting of the 
JSTorthern States to the unrestricted domination of military 
officers ; and the arrest and confinement in Fort Lafayette, 
by the middle of October, 1861, of one huiidred and seventy- 
five of the most respectable citizens of the Northern States, 
warned the people that "the land of the free and the home of 
the brave" could no longer boast of its free speech and free 
press. And henceforth few voices were heard in the land 
except those of real or pretended coercionists. Even John 
A. Logan repudiated his convictions, became a coercionist, 
and enjoyed the glory of leading through the Carolinas that 


famous 15th Corps which, as Gen. Sherman boasted to Gen- 
Halleck, '"generally did their work up pretty well", the 4th 
Division having in it a band of marauders organized by Gen- 
eral Corse'. 

The Bankers. 

Like many others of the most intelligent people in the 
JSTorthern section, the bankers seem to have felt little desire 
to make sacrifices for the subjugation of the Confederacy. 
They refused any voluntary contributions to the military 
chest; they suspended specie payments in December, 1861; 
and during the whole period of war-bond sales the Secretary 
of the Treasury was compelled to accept 66 cents for each 
dollar, the treasury receipts being $1,371,4:24 and the face of 
the bonds being $2,049,975,700. This was the average price 
during the war. 


While in the ranks of the armies of the Confederacy there 
were college professors, physicians, merchants, lawyers, 
farmers, and business men of every calling, there seems to 
have been a general desire on the part of such persons in the 
ISTorth to avoid service in ''preserving the life of the nation". 
Refusing to volunteer at any one of Mr. Lincoln's ten calls^ 
and having the privilege when drafted to be excused on the 
payment of $300, commutation money, 86,724 of these gen- 
tlemen purchased the privilege of staying home ; while other 
thousands, not reported, hired substitutes, as the campaign 
song said Mr. Blaine did 

''Ven he hear deni rebels shoot". 

In addition, too, to this vast army of exempts, other thou- 
sands secured the privilege of avoiding service by inducing 
their State Legislatures or their city councils or their to^^■n- 
ship officials to offer bounties to foreigners, to Confederate 
starving prisoners, to Southern renegades and to Southern 
negroes ; and to hire agents as recruiting officers. But this 
is not all ; their opposition to military service induced the 
administration in May, 1862, to have passed in Congress an 
act offering free homesteads to all foreigners — not even the 


anarcliist excepted — who would come to the "asylum of the 
ojDpressed of all nations", as we read in the platform of the 
convention which nominated Mr. Lincoln for re-election. 
And the result was that the free homestead and the bounty, 
amounting in some States to $600, brought into the service 
some thousands of Southerners and negToes and a vast army 
of foreigners. The number of these last is usually estimated 
to have been 494,900 ; but these figures do not agree with 
what is a fair inference from the report made ]Sroveinher 3, 
1S(;4, by Quartermaster-General Meigs. He stated t^ at of 
15,703 soldiers and other Federal employes who died in the 
hospitals in the vicinity of Washington during the three 
years ending August 1, 1864, only 4,910 were white natives 
of the United States, the Southern States included. It does 
not seem likely, therefore, that three-fourths of the ISTorthern 
soldiers, as is usually claimed, were native white men, while 
only one-third of these deaths were of native whites, 

Two or three reports, dispatches, &c., will be interesting. 

Impositions on foreigners as they landed, and the dis- 
graceful importunities of the recruiting agents induced the 
Congress on March 3, 1864, to appropriate $40,000 to employ 
agents to protect immigrants on their way to the Western 

Complaints having come across the ocean that jSTorthern 
recruiting agents were in Europe plying their trade, the Sen- 
ate of the United States passed a resolution on the 24th of 
June, 1864, requesting ^ President Lincoln to inform that 
body "if any authority has been given any one, either in this 
country or elsewhere, to obtain recruits in Ireland or Can- 
ada", &c. 

On July 13, 1864, Gov. Andrew, of Massachusetts, in- 
formed Secretary Stanton that citizens of Massachusetts 
were recruiting a large number of aliens. 

On July 14, 1864, the U. S. Congress passed an act au- 
thorizing the Governor of each State in the Union to send 
recruiting agents into any Confederate State, except Arkan- 
sas, Tennessee and Louisiana ; and declaring that any volun- 
teers these agents might enlist should be "credited to the 
State, and to the respective subdivisions thereof which might 
procure the enlistment". 

Thereupon agents were sent from all the Xew England 


States, ISTew York, Pennsjlvania, jSTew Jersey, Ohio, Indiana 
and Illinois — I cannot find in the records any other States 
named- — -into all the accessible parts of the Confederacy, I^ew 
Hampshire's agents, for an example, to receive $20 for each 
one-year man enlisted, $25 for each two-years' enlistment, 
and $1:0 for each three-years' man; and these recrnits to re- 
ceive, respectively, $100, $200, and $300, a proviso being- 
added to her law that the Governor might, if h© found it ad- 
visable, pay a bounty of $500 for each three-years' man en- 
listed in "the insurgent States". 

But, the "commercial spirit" not having yet taken posses- 
sion of the South, Secretary Stanton said this in a report to 
President Lincoln, March 1, 1865; "The results of the re- 
cruitments under the act of July 4, 1864, for recruiting in 
rebel States, were reported as unfavorable". 

In SejJtember and October, 1864, 1,751 starving Confed- 
erate prisoners at Rock Island, 111., hired themselves to Penn- 
sylvania and Ohio, only 12 of them to the latter. 

The TIumob of the Situation. 

As might be expected from the revelations in previous 
chapters, this struggle for enlistments and substitutes has 
its humorous side, which is exposed to view in the folloAving 
letters, dispatches, &c. : 

On April 4, 1864, Gov. Horatio Seymour, of Xew York, 
comjjlained because agents from other States were enlisting 
men from a ISTew York corps, then at Rush Barracks, Wash- 
ington, to fill the (piotas of States they represented. "I 
learn", he said, "that a large number have been thus enlisted 
for 'New Jersey, the agents paying from $350 to $375. 
Massachusetts, I am informed, has done the same, paying 
$400 cash down". 

On AugTist 9, 1864, Governor Yates, of Illinois, com- 
plained to Secretary Stanton that there were "numerous 
agents from Xew York and other States recruiting in Illi- 
nois for other States". 

On August 21, 1864, Gen. Grant's dispatch to the Secre- 
tary of War, objecting to exchanges of prisoners, said: "Ex- 
changes simply re-enforce the enemy at once, whilst we do 
not get the benefit of those received for two or three months, 
and lose the majority entirely". 


On August 28, 1864, Prov.-Mar. Gen. Frv telegraphed to 
his assistant in Boston: "Hon J. D. Bakhvin writes me 
from Worcester that towns in his district enlist their own 
citizens, provide bounties for them, and send them to camp 
or rendezvous to be mustered in and credited. That after 
reaching rendezvous they are beset by recruiting agents for 
other places, especially Boston. These agents, offering 
higher local bounties, succeed in getting the men credited to 
other towns", &c. 

On September 5, 1864, L. Thomas, Adjutant-General^ 
writing from Vicksburg, Miss., informed Secretary Stanton 
that a Colonel of one of the negro regiments at l^atchez 
''stated that in consequence of the presence of agents from 
i^orthern States offering large bounties for recruits his men 
were deserting, procuring citizens' clothing, and secreting 
themselves until an opportunity offered of escaping from the 
place for the purpose of enlisting. The same state of things," 
he continued, "exists in the other colored regiments. * * * 
Gen. Dana informed me that such was the desire to obtain 
recruits that diseased men, entirely unfit for the service, were 
taken and passed by the examining surgeon". 

On January 19, 1865, the Actg. Asst. Prov.-]\Iar.-Gen., 
Concord, IsT. H., wrote to Prov.-]\Iar.-Gen. Fry, Washington, 
saying among other things : "I would respectively call your 
attention to the fact that burglars, house-burners, and thieves, 
felons of all classes and kinds, are daily taken from jails 
and prisons with the consent of judges, both high and low, 
and enlisted under false names and false pretenses in the 
service of the U. S." 

On January 30, 1865, 14 members of the Wisconsin leg- 
islature, complaining of certain irregularities, said that "a 
great number of men who were enrolled in 1863, and whose 
names had not been taken from the enrollment lists had en- 
listed in other States and in other cUstricts in their own State, 
owing to larger bounties l^eing offered by the richer and more 
prosperous communities in other districts". 

On February 16, 1865, Prov.-Mar.-Gen. Fry sent a tele- 
gram to the Actg. Asst. Prov.-Mar. -Gen. in each of the 
States of Xew Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode 
Island, Connecticut, Xew York, Xew Jersev, Pennsvlvania, 


Maryland, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Missouri, complaining 
that "gross frauds" had been committed in all these States 
by forging certificates of enlistments in the U. S. navy so as 
to lessen the quota required for the army. 

On March 2, 1865, O. Blount, Chairman, &c., New York 
City, reported to Asst. Adjt.-Gen. Brownson as follows, 
Brownson having exjDressed great fears that enlistments were 
not fast enough to keep off the draft: ''We commenced pay- 
ing the increased bounty of $600 for three years' men, $400 
for two years' men, and $300 for one year's men on the 13th 
day of February. * ^ * From that date up to and in- 
cluding the 28th, being 14 days (exclusive of Sundays), we 
have paid the bounty to the very large number of 1,495 men. 
■;f ^ * jS[early all the men enlisted by us now are for three 
years' service". 

Bounty Jumpers. 

A large portion of the men who enlisted in Mr. Lincoln's 
armies did so to get the bounty ; and all through the war these 
fellow^s caused the administration a vast deal of trouble ; and 
to deter men from this offense Fort Jefferson — named, for 
some inexplicable reason, for Thomas Jefferson — was erected 
on the Dry Tortugas, as a place for their confinement. But, 
as the records prove, the bounty-jumping continued. A man 
belonging to one command could change his appearance and 
his name, go into another county, city or State, and enlist. 
'Even in the South we occasionally find one of these "pa- 
triots" who has two names, that on the pension rolls being 
different from the one by which he is called. The history 
of the military services of this class of criminals is exceed- 
ingly interesting ; but for my purpose a few passages copied 
from JSTorthern authors will sufiice : 

Some time in 1863 Gen. B. F. Butler, as appears in Rice's 
'^'Beminiscences of Abraham Lincoln", said to the President: 
"The bounties which are r^ow being paid to new recruits 
cause very large desertions. Men desert and go home, and 
get the bounties and enlist in other regiments". 

On May 20, 1864, Asst. Adj. -Gen. Townsend, Washing- 
ton, D. C, issued a letter of instructions, as follows : 


^'T am directed to instruct you, in order to prevent de- 
sertions of recruits at rendezvous and while in transit to de- 
pots, that the payment of $25 bounty immediately on enlist- 
ment" — the balance to be paid afterwards — "authorized by 
letter of instructions from this office, dated January 5, 1864, 
is hereby prohibited. Such payment will only be made to 
the recruit after he has been accepted at the depot". 

On September 10, 1864, Gen. Grant, objecting to a post- 
ponement of the draft to allow time to fill up with recruiting, 
said that the men he had been getting by that method ( re- 
cruiting) nearly all deserted, and out of five reported ISTorth 
as having enlisted he did not get more than one. 

On July 29, 1864, the Adjutant-General of Indiana com- 
plained to the Adjutant-General U. S. Army, Louisville, 
Ky., that "the agents of substitute brokers from Erie, Pa., 
Buffalo, ]Sr. Y., and other places" were quietly at work in 
Louisville "enticing soldiers already in the service to doff" 
their clothes and clothe themselves in citizens' dress and go 
East to enter as substitutes". 

On March 11, 1865, Col. L. C. Baker, ^w York, re- 
ported to Prov.-Mar.-Gen. Fry as follows : "I made my 
contemplated raid on the bounty jumpers yesterday and suc- 
ceeded in capturing 590 of the most desperate villians un- 
hung. Most of them have enlisted and deserted from three 
to twenty times each". 

Fierce Opposition. 

During the entire war there was a considerable class in 
the States which remained in the Laiion whose opposition to 
assisting in the subjugation of the Confederacy, founded on 
sentiments of justice and humanity, stubbornly refused to 
respect Mr. Lincoln's calls for volunteers, as will appear from 
the following dispatches and reports : 

On March 1, 1865, Secretary Stanton reported to the 
President that up to October 1, 1864, there had been ar- 
rested 60,760 deserters, a number that does not include those 
who changed their names and joined other commands to se- 
cure the bounty, nor those who fled to Canada and other iov- 
eien countries. 


On July 14, 1864, the Governor of Ohio said in a letter 
to Secretary Stanton: "This feature of the draft has created 
great excitement and dissatisfaction in the State". 

On August 5, 1864, "the Provost-Marshal of the i^ine- 
teenth District of i^ew York" telegraphed to headquarters 
in Washington, asking: "What mode or means is there of 
preventing persons enrolled and liable to draft from leaving 
the district or State before being drafted ? A stampede", he 
continued, "is going on that threatens to be serious unless 

On August 9, 1864, the Governor of Ohio, writing to Sec- 
retary Stanton, said : "Rrecruiting progresses slowly. There 
will be a heavy draft, and strong organizations are making 
to resist its enforcement. * * * Many regiments of the 
Guard are asking to have their time extended sixty to one 
hundred days. That, of course, is to jump the draft under 
the ]!^ew York decision". 

On August 18, 1864, Gen. Dix, I^ew York, wrote to the 
Secretary of War about conditions in ISTew York, saying: "I 
desire to refer to my letter of the 22d of July. Although 
there are no outward evidences of an intention to create dis- 
turbances when the approaching draft takes place, it ^f^ ^voll 
kjiown that there is a widespread feeliug of Lo'stilitv to the 
measures of the Government which is liable on the slightest 
]jretext to break out into open violence. 

On January 6, 1865, the Provost-Marshal of the Fourth 
District of Maine, writing to the Actg. Asst. Prov.-Mar.-Gen. 
of M.aine (the first gentleman named Low^ and the second 
Littler) , said : 

"Allow me to call your attention to the north and east- 
em borders of this State, particularly that portion included 
in this district. We have some forty townships bordering 
on the British Provinces in which it is almost impossible to 
procure men by draft. In the draft under call of July 18, 
1864, 357 men failed to report, and under the supplementary 
draft, same call, out of 350 men drafted about 60 were ob- 
tained. * * * In some cases quite extensive settlements 
have been made just across the line in the British Provinces, 
composed almost entirely of deserters". 

On January 10, 1865, the Governor of Wisconsin, writing 


Secretary Stanton, said: "Out of over 17,000 drafted in 
this State during the last year I am informed that but about 
3,000 are in the service". 

On July 20, 1864, the Provost-Marshal at Terre Haute, 
Ind., reporting to Prov.-Mar.-Gen. Fry, Washington, said: 
"^'A recent affair in Sullivan County between some butternuts 
and soldiers has greatly increased the excitement in that 
county. One of the former was killed and another wounded. 
* "" The result is that there are large numbers of men 
riding about o^^er the country armed, and some of them shout- 
ing for Vallandigham and Jeff. Davis, and professing to be in 
search of the soldiers. There have been more than 200 
together at one time". 

On Aug. 6, 1864, the Adj. Gen. of Illinois, writing to 
Prov. -Mar. -General, Washington, said: "I am instructed by 
Gov. Yates to respectfully inform you that disturbances of a 
serious character have broken out between loyal and disloyal 
citizens of Illinois residing or living in the counties of 
i'ayette and Montgomery, and unless immediately checked 
by the military authorities of the government it is his opin- 
ion that civil war will soon be inaugurated". 

On Aug. 10, 1864, Pdchard I. Dodge, Actg. Asst.-Prov.- 
Mar. -General, writing from TIarrisburg, Penn., to Prov.- 
Mar.-Gen. Fry, Washington, said: 

"In several counties of the Western Division of Pennsyl- 
vania, particularly in Columbia and Cambria, I am credibly 
informed that there are large bands of deserters and delin- 
quent drafted men, banded together, armed, and organized 
for resistance to the U. S. authorities. This organization in 
Columbia County alone numbers about 500 men; in Cambria 
it is said to be larger. These men are encouraged in their 
course and assisted by every means by the political oppo- 
nents of the administration. * " The Union men are 
overaw^ed by the organization, while many who have hereto- 
fore been supporters of the policy of the government, prefer- 
ring their comfort to their principles, are going over to its 

In reply to this dispatch Gen. Fry informed Capt. Dodge, 
Aug. 16, that the Sixteenth Kegiment Veteran Eeserve Corps 
had been ordered to report for duty to Capt. Dodge. 

On Aug. 9, 1864, Gen. Heintzelman wrote from Columbus, 


Ohio, to Gen. Plalleck, Chief of Staff, Washington: "I con- 
sulted with Gov. Brougih. * * * j have from him and 
from other sources undoubted information that there will 
be in some counties in this State resistance to the draft. I 
have also information of combinations, the leaders of which 
are in this city, with the object of seizing the Government 
and State arsenals and releasing the rel)el prisoners at Camp 

On August 12, 1864, Gen. Halleck, Washington, wrote to 
Gen. Grant, City Point : 

"I have just received Gen. Heintzelman's report on Gen. 
Burbridge's telegram in regard to arresting certain persons 
in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. He does not deem it prudent 
to make arrests at the present time, as a rescue would prob- 
ably be attempted, and his force is not sufficient to put down 
an insurrection. He thinks there will be a forcible resist- 
ance to the draft, and greatly fears disturbances before that 
time. He does not deem the prisoners of war as secure, and 
thinks a combination has been formed to release them and 
seize the arsenals. To provide against this he wants 10,000 
in each of the States of Indiana and Illinois and 5,000 in 
Ohio. * * - 

"Gen. Carlton reports that his California volunteers will 
not re-enlist". 

On Sept. 13, 1864, James G. Jones, Acting Assistant Pro- 
vost-Marshal-General, w^riting from Indianapolis to Provost- 
Marshal-General Pry, Washington, D. C, about the approach- 
ing draft in Indiana, said : 

"Prudence absolutely demands that at least 4,000 soldiers, 
uniformed, armed, and equipped, be in the State to exe- 
cute the draft and keej) the peace, 1,000 on regular duty at 
headquarters of eleven povosts-marshal serving notices in dis- 
affected neighborhoods, and guarding men en route to draft 
headquarters, and 3,000 distributed at proper points to sup- 
press incipient revolt if possible, or accomplished insurrec- 
tion if need be. In portions of every district notices of draft 
can only be, served by detachments of armed men". 

It appears, therefore, to be beyond a reasonable doid^t that 
comparatively few men enlisted in the armies of the Xorth 
impelled by the motives which Northern writers claim for 


all of them* ; and when we add to all this the sigTiificance of 
the forty years' scramble for pensions, the thirty or forty 
years' labors of the Congress in effacing from the pnblic 
records the convictions for desertion, and the laws and execu- 
tive orders which open the doors of the people's treasury — 
the South's as well as the I^orth's — to the bounty-jumpers, 
the deserters, and other lawless classes, the motives and pur- 
poses of the men who overwhelmed the Confederacy will 
hardly escape the searching eye of the unbiased and unin- 
terested future. And to the student of the laws of heredity 
and of the contagious tendencies of examples, the conclusion 
from the foregoing evidences may be corroborated by present 
conditions in this year of grace 1906, as characterized by the 
^ew York Post : 

''The present is a period of havoc and upheaval. The gale 
of reform that rages o'er the land lays bare most hideous 
conditions. A doUarized society, insensible to all but prick- 
ing selfishness, makes possible corruption high and l-jw. 
Bribe, graft, knavery, exploitation, investigation, disclosure, 
confusion, shame — in all the avenues of activity the public 
ferret is at work". 

JSiow, in conclusion, and for the purpose of giving future 
readers an opportunity to judge fairly whether my estimate 
of the jSTorthern soldier is just, I quote the answer made to 
President Lincoln by Gen. Daniel Tyler, of Connecticut, 
when asked what he, as a member of the Buell Court of 
Inquiry, had found: "We had it proven that Bragg, with less 
than ten thousand men, drove your eighty-three thousand 
under Buell back from before Chattanooga, down to the Ohio 
at Louisville, marched round us twice, then doubled us up 
at Peryville, and finally got out of Kentucky with all his 
plunder". — Pice's ''Reminiscences". 

* The late Jerry Simpson, of Kansas, who served with me in the 52nd 
and 53rd Congress, was perhaps as honorable as any of them. A gentle- 
man who had some business with him came by my residence one even- 
ing after my son. who was my clerk, to go with him. When they re- 
turned, they were giving me their impressionsoftl)at somewhat rema- li- 
able man, and repeating some things he said One was: " I was a sailor 
on the Lakes. Soon after the war commenced, I M-as in Chicago out of 

a job. I was offered big pay and a big bounty to go into the army. D d 

if I knew what the fight was about, but I went". 


False PKETEisrsES and Deception. 

To give my readers an insight into the moral code of some 
of the reformers who thought it their duty to guide the South 
into ways of rectitude, I have gathered up from various 
sources trustworthy records of their regard for truth and hon- 
esty. I could add much more, but here is enough for my 

After having for years been promulgating the doctrine that 
"the nation" could not endure half free and half slave, Wil- 
liam H. Seward delivered "a, great electioneering speech in 
the Senate", according to Cassius M. Clay, while seeking the 
nomination which went to Lincoln in 1860, in which he said: 
"1 am for the Union, with or without slavery". 

On page 205, vol. I, of the "Rise and Fall", &c., th- 
author said : "If any, judging after the event, should assume 
that I was allured by the higli office subsequently conferred 
upon me by the people of the Confederate States, the answer 
to any such conclusion has been made by others, to whom it 
was well known, before the Confederacy was formed, that I 
had no desire to be its President. When the suggestion was 
made to me, I expressed a decided objection, and gave reasons 
of a public and permanent character against being placed 
in that position". 

But William H. Seward, afterwards Secretary of State,, 
explained and justified one of his misstatements by declaring 
that he and Mr. Davis both knew two months before the Con- 
federacy was organized that "Jeff Davis" was to be its Presi- 
dent. The circumstances were these: After the election of 
1860, and before the electoral votes were counted, he made 
his famous "Astor House speech", which was so false in all 
its utterances that Mr. Oakey Hall declared that Seward was 
"the most august liar in the United States" ; and the latter 
"at a dinner at Willard's Hotel" said that his lies were in- 
tended to deceive Mr. Davis, who was to be President, &-c. 

Eight days after the inauguration of President Lincoln 
there was an effort, made by Confederate Commissioners to 
establish friendly relations with the United States and tO' 

10 125 


effect an equitable settlement of all questions relating to the 
conunon property of tlie States, the iDublic debt, &c. They 
sent a note to Secretary Seward, informing him of the object 
of their mission to Washington, and asking for an interview. 
He made no formal answer, but he authorized Justices Nel- 
son (Xew York) and Campbell (Alabama) of the Supreme 
Court of the United States, who had tendered their friendlv 
offices to these Commissioners, to assure these gentlemen that 
Fort Sumter would be evacuated. And at the very time 
when this promise was made Mr. G. V. Fox, who was after- 
wards Assistant Secretary of the United States Xavy, was 
on his way to Charleston, having been sent by President Lin- 
coln, to devise plans for strengthening Fort Sumter. But on 
April 1, the Confederate Commissioners, having received no 
written reply to their note, and being alarmed by the reports 
in the newspapers insisted, through Judge Campbell, on 
definite information as to the purposes of the administration ; 
and Mr. Seward wrote to Judge Campbell : "Faith as to Sum- 
ter fully kept. ^Yait and see", thus keeping himself in prac- 
tice as an "august liar". 

In Bancroft's Life of "William H. Seward this occurs on 
page 319 : 

"The routed and frightened troops from the first battle of 
Bull Bun had hardly reached Washington when Crittenden, 
whose devotion to the ITnion depended on no if, brought for 
ward a resolution declaring that the war was not for conquest 
or to interfere with the rights or established institutions of 
the Southern States, but to defend and maintain the supre- 
macy of the Constitution and to ]3reserve the Union with all 
the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unim- 
|)aired. * * * Almost immediately and with close ap- 
proach to unanimity the members of the House and of the 
Senate pledged themselves to these declarations". 

But, "in the next few weeks", he continues, "was passed" 
— by these same statesmen — "the first of the measures pro- 
viding for the confiscation of all property, including slaves, 
used in support of the 'insurrection' ". 

There is abundant evidence in Charles Eobinson's Kansas 
Conflict, Rev. Theodore Parker's Journal, and elsewhere, 
that "Amos A. La^vrence, J. M. S. Williams, and J. LoAvell, 


of Boston, * -5^ * mercliant princes", and S. Cabot, Jr., 
L. B. Russell, C. J. Higgins, and W. B. Spooner were mem- 
bers of the i^ew England Emigrant Aid Company, and 
devoted mnch time and money to furnishing men, gims and 
ammunition for the Kansas war against Southerners. But 
the records of the 34th Congress (first session) show that 
Mr. Lawrence deposed before an investigating committee that 
no firearms were ever bought by the Emigrant Aid Com- 
pany, and that the Company had never interfered with the 
internal affairs of the Territory ; and the other gentlemen, 
excepting J. Lowell, sent a paper to Congress in which they 
asserted that the Company had "never invested a dollar in 
any of the implements of war". 

Such mendacity was the only hopeful shield of these gen- 
tlemen when they saw themselves in danger of conviction of 
treason against the United States — an offense which some of 
them at first warmly approved, as we may gather from this 
passage in the Journal of Theodore Parker : 

"Saw the Kansas party go off (April 2, 1854) * * * 
about forty, nearly half women and children. There were 
twenty Sharp's Rights (rifles) of the People in their hands, 
of the new and improved edition, and divers Colt's six-shoot- 
ers also. * ^ Those rifles and pistols were to defend their 
soil from the American Government, which wishes to plant 
slavery in Kansas". 

And yet a Massachusetts member of CongTess, with all 
the evidence before him, or in easy reach, said this on the 
floor of the House of Representatives on the 12th of ]\larch, 
1856 ; "Allow me to say that there never has been purchased 
by the emigrant aid society a single musket or rifle, or arm 
of defense of any kind whatever" ; and Henry Wilson, one 
of the Massachusetts Senators, addressing the Senate on the 
18th of the preceding month, made a more sweeping denial 
of the charges which the evidence proved to be true, declaring 
that Lawrence and his partners had not "performed illegal 
actions or any act inconsistent with the obligations of patriot- 
ism, morality or religion". 

Another distinguished leader of the abolitionists, who was 
devoid either of a conscience or a memory was Dr. Charles 
Robinson, a native of Hardwick, Massachusetts, who was the 


first governor of the State of Kansas. In Eli Thayer's 
Kansas Crusade and in the 'New International Encyclopedia 
there is satisfactory evidence that he either belonged to or 
was in sympathy with Thayer's Emigrant Aid Company in 
the early months of 1854. This company was organized 
before the 31st of May, the day on which President Pierce 
aj)proved the Kansas-iSTebraska bill, and in one of its early 
meetings, Thayer says, Robinson was engaged to act as 
agent of the company, promising to start to Kansas on the 
28th of June. But when Dr. Robinson found himself before 
a Congressional Committee which was inquiring into the 
treasonable operations of the abolitionists, he made this state- 
ment: "I left Massachusetts for Kansas in June, 1854. * * 
At that time no Emigrant Aid Society with which I have 
since been connected, was in existence, and, consequently I 
could not act as agent of such a society. My first connection 
with an emigrant aid society, as official agent, was some time 
in September, 1854". 

It seems, therefore, that most of the famous philanthropists 
who were engaged in the work of defending the soil of Kansas 
'''from the American Government" conscientiously believed 
that perjury was a legitimate weapon in their hands. 



As Mr. Lincoln was elected to the Presidency by only 39 
per cent, of the popular vote, he could have no reason to 
expect that his war on the Confederacy would be approved 
by a majority of the people of the Xorthern States ; and, 
although his call for 75,000 militiamen to recover a piece of 
property which he said the ''rebels" had taken from "the 
Government" aroused some sympathy in many quarters of 
the JSTorth, and made his cause appear for the moment to be 
the cause of all, there was such opposition to him manifested 
in a few weeks that he found it a "military necessity" to sub- 
ject the Xorthern States to martial law. 

Here are some of the recorded evidences of this opposition : 

On May 21, 1861, Secretary Seward, writing to Minister 
Adams, who succeeded George M. Dallas, President Buchan- 
an's representative in London, said : "It is due to Mr. Dallas 
to say that our instructions had been given only to you and, 
not to him, and that his loyalty and fidelity, too rare in 
these times, are ajjpreciated". 

On Dec. 31, 1861, the commanding officer at Fort Lafay- 
ette read to the political prisoners an order from Secretary 
Seward, which informed these gentlemen, that Seward would 
not recog-nize any person as an attorney for one of the pris- 
oners ; and that the employment of an attorney by a prisoner 
would be an offense for which his term of confinement might 
be lengthened. 

At the Xovember, 1862, elections the friends of Mr. Lin- 
coln's administration were decisively defeated ; and on the 
22nd of that month an order was issued to release all the 
gentlemen whom Secretary Seward had imprisoned. 

In December, 1862, according to Rice, President Lincoln 
said this to Thurlow Weed: 

"Everything goes wrong. The rebel armies hold their 
own ; Grant is wandering around in Mississippi ; Burnside 
manages to keep ahead of Lee; Seymour has carried ISTew 
York, and, if his party carries and holds many of the Xorth- 
em States, we shall have to give' up the fight, for we can 



never conquer three-quarters of our countrymen, scattered in 
front, flank, and rear". 

On Mar. 3, 1863, an act was approved by President Lin- 
coln which denied to any person whom Mr. Seward had arbi- 
trarily arrested and imprisoned any redress in State or Fed- 
eral courts. 

On Sept. 15, 1863, President Lincoln suspended the writ 
of habeas corpus throughout the United States, and thus rid 
his administration of any judicial intereference with its usur- 

In Aug., 1863, Secretary Stanton placed under the orders 
of Gen. Dix, jSTew York City, for the purpose of subjugating 
that city, a military force amounting to forty-two regiments 
and two batteries. 


"Government of the People, by the People, for the People, 
shall not perish from the earth". — President Lincoln at 

There is an abnndance of evidence in the War Records and 
in other works that Mr. Lincoln so interfered with the elec- 
tion in Xovember, IS 64, as to secure his own re-election; and 
it would very ninch interest my readers to have placed before 
them the letters and dispatches of all the parties who partici- 
pated in this conspiracy against a "free ballot and a fair 
count", and thus sowed the seeds of that political corrup- 
tion which has disgraced many of the cities and towns in the 
Xorthern States; but lack of space forbids extended quota- 
tions, and my readers must be contented with the manipula- 
tions in only a few States. I begin with Pennsylvania. There 
is not a dispatch or an order in the War Records ; the tools 
of despotism arranged their plans behind doors, and carried 
orders "unofficially" to their co-conspirators ; but, fortunately, 
enough has been preserved for my purpose in the "Reminis- 
cences of Abraham Lincoln". In his Litroduction Allen 
Thorndike Rice gives us the following: 

"During the fall of 1864 it became evident that Pennsyl- 
vania was a 'doubtful State'. Gen. McClellan, the candidate 
of the Democratic party, was not only popular there as a 
native Pennsylvanian, but, even among those loyal to the ad- 
ministration, he had a strong following and great sympathy, 
from the belief that he had been a much abused man. Lin- 
coln was advised by the Republican State Committee of Penn- 
sylvania that the prospect was very uncertain. It was felt 
that, on the result in the Keystone State, hinged the fate of 
the national election. A gentleman belonging to the Repub- 
lican Committee, then, as now, one of the leadin<2," politicians 
of the State, had a consultation with the President on the 
situation. He thus relates the interview : 

^Mr. President,' I said, 'the only sure way to organize 
victory in this contest, is to have some fifteen thousand, or 
more, Pennsylvania soldiers furloughed and sent home to 
vote. While their votes in the field would count man for 
man, their presence at the polls at home would exert au influ- 



ence not easily to be estimated, by exciting entbusiasm and 
building up party morals. I would advise you to send a pri- 
vate message to Gen. Grant, to be given in an unofficial way, 
asking for sucb an issuance of furloughs to Pennsylvania 
soldiers in the field'. 

"Lincoln was silent for some moments and seemed to be 
pondering. Then he answered : 

^I have never had any intimation from Gen. Grant as to his 
feelings for me. I don't know how far he would be disposed 
to be my friend in the matter, nor do I think it would be safe 
to trust him'. 

"The President's interlocutor responded with some heat, 
'^And do you mean to say that the man at whose back you 
stood, in defiance of tlie clamor of the country, for whom you 
fought through thick and thin, would not stand by you now V 

'I don't know that Gen. Grant would be my friend in this 
matter', reiterated the President. 

'Then, let it be done through Gen. Meade, the direct com- 
mander of the Army of the Potomac — and Gen. Sheridan, 
how about him V 

"At this question, Lincoln's face grew sunny and bright. 
'I can trust Phil', he said; 'he's all right!' 

"'As a result of this conference, one of the assistant secre- 
taries of war was sent to Petersburg with a strictly unofficial 
message to Gen. Meade, and another agent was deputed to 
visit Gen. Sheridan. Some 10,000 or more Pennsylvania 
soldiers went home to vote when the time came, and Pennsyl- 
vania was carried by a handsome majority for the administra- 

As to the work of these friends of "free government" in 
other States a few dispatches escaped detection when they 
purged the public records, even all the congratulatory letters 
having been destroyed. Here are some of the most inter- 
esting : 

On Oct. 28. 1864, Gen. Eosecrans, St. Louis, Mo., was 
ordered by Secretary Stanton to furlough until JSTov. 10 tlie 
following troojis, to enable them to vote at their homes : ' The 
49th, the ll7th, the 119th, and the 58th regiments of Illinois 
volunteers ; and at the same time orders were sent to Gen. 
Thomas, JSTashville, Tenn. ; Gen. Burbridge, Louisville, Ky. ; 
and Gen. ^Vashburn, Memphis, Tenn,, to furlough till ]^ov. 


10, and "send home" any troops that could be spared from 
their commands. 

In October, IS 61, preparatory to the subversion of the 
rights of the people of ]S[ew York to a free ballot and a fair 
count at the election which was to take place on the 8th of 
iS[ovember, Gen. Dix, the commander of the department, 
issued a proclamation, warning Mr. Lincoln and the republi- 
can party of the horrible designs of Confederate agents in 
Canada, who, he declared, were planning to invade ^ew 
York with voters so as to insure the electoral vote of that 
State for Gen. McClellan. 

Thereupon Mr. Lincoln had Major General Butler sent to 
take command of the military forces in the city, and 7,000 
additional men were placed in the forts of the harbor, Gen. 
Butler being confidently relied on to insure the election of 
the republican electors and the republican candidate (Reuben 
E. Fenton) for Governor, and thus perpetuate the domina- 
tion of the political party which favored "government of the 
people, and by the people, and for the people". 

On Oct. 29, 1864, Gen. John A. Green, Syracuse, X. Y., 
being in command of the State forces which had been ordered 
to guard the northern border of the State — including eight 
counties — "against any hostile invasion" of the State, com- 
plained in General Orders that "a major-general holding his 
commission under the Federal government" was proposing to 
^'take under his supervision" the approaching election "within 
the said district"; and he added: "The Federal Government 
is charged with no duty or responsibility whatever relating 
to an election to be held in the State of N'ew York". 

To all this it is fortunate that I can add the following inci- 
dent which I found in Rice's "Reminiscences", in the article 
written by E. W. Andrews, who belonged to the Adj. -Gen- 
eral's Department of the Army : 

"I was still on duty in the defenses of Baltimore when the 
Presidential campaign of 1861 occurred. I had been a life- 
long Democrat, and I favored the election of Gen. McClellan, 
the candidate of my party. One evening in Se]3tember, 
1861, I was invited by a few friends to go with them to ii 
Democratic meetinp;, and listen to a distinguished orator 
who was to advocate the claims of McClellan. iVs I could 


not well refuse, I agreed to go for a few miniTtes only. To 
my surprise and annoyance, I was called on by the audience 
for a speech, and the calls were so persistent that I was placed 
in a most embarrassing position. Forced to say something, 
I contented my self with a brief expression of my high regard 
for McClellan as a soldier, and a statement of my intention 
to vote for him. I made no reference to Mr. Lincoln, and 
soon left the hall. 

■^'JSText clay an order came from Secretary Stanton directing 
me to be mustered out of the service. 'No reason was as- 
signed, nor opj)ortunity given for defense". 

But a more interesting exhibition of tyranny is revealed 
in the message of Kentucky's Union Governor to the legis- 
lature in January, 1865. By military interference in 1863 
he had been elected Governor, the vote of the State, on ac- 
count of the faithful labors of those sent "to keep peace at 
the polls", being 60,000 less than it was in 1860. 

Complaining of Federal interference in the election of 
1864, he said: 

''The gravest matter of military outrage has been, and yet 
is, the arrest, imprisonment, and banishment of loyal citizens 
without a hearing, and 'unthout even a knowledge of the 
charges against them. There have been a number of this 
class of arrests, merely for partisan political vengeance, and 
to force them to pay heavy sums to purchase their liberation. 
* "■ * For partisan political ends, Gen. John B. Huston 
was arrested at midnight preceding the election. * * The 
battle-scarred veteran Col. Frank Wolford, whose name and 
loyal fame are part of his country's proudest memories, and 
whose arrest for political vengeance should put a nation's 
cheek to blush', is yet held in durance vile, without a hearing 
and without an accusation. * * 

"Lieut. -Gov. Jacobs, whose yet unclosed wounds were re- 
ceived in battle for his country, was made a victim to par- 
tisan and personal enmity," &c., &c. 

There is, therefore, no reason to be surprised at the fol- 
lowing postscript to a letter written from Syracuse, X. Y., 
to Secretary Seward, six days before the election, by J. JT. 
Holmes : 

"There is great reason to fear that President Lincoln will 
be assassinated very soon". 


Abraham Luntcoln. 

a contrast. 

"Hence it appears that, except as to the concurrent author- 
ity of the president in the article of treaties, it would be diffi- 
cult to determine whether that magistrate would, in the aggre- 
gate, possess more or less power than the governor of Xew 
York". — Alexander Hamilton in Xo. LXIX of the Feder- 

"Even as President of the United States, at a period when 
the nation's peril invested the holder of the office with almost 
despotic power, there seems to have been in Lincoln's na- 

"Wielding the power of a king", &c. — Allen Thorndike 
Pice in "Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln". 

The story of the war between the sections would be incom- 
prehensible in its tracings of results to causes if the inherited 
disposition and characteristics of Abraham Lincoln were left 
out, just as the lessons of all history would lose much of their 
power to guide us and warn us if the personality of the great 
actors were kept out of view. It is the man that gives its 
chief value to the picture — the Alexander, the Julius Caesar, 
the Cromwell, the Alva, the Pizarro, the Xapoleon. For- 
tunately, many biographies of Lincoln have been written, 
and hardly any phase of his life, character or disposition has 
been left untouched by the AAuuters ; but, unfortunately, it has 
been the almost invariable custom to give a partial view of 
the man, to magnify everything that would exalt him in the 
eyes of coming generations and minimize or hide from view 
his infirmities. But enough has been preserved for my 

There are two methods by which a man can become the 
idol of his people. One is by enabling his own community to 
acquire riches by levying tribute on other communities, 
as Hamilton did when he succeeded in what all authors call 
his "grand financial achievements", i. e., his enrichment of 
Xew England and some of the Middle States at the expense 



■of the other States. This "achievement" exalted him, when 
he fell in his duel with Burr, to companionship with impos- 
sible saints, and sent Burr dowTi among impossible demons. 

The otber is by successfully conducting a war, a campaign, 
a battle, or a siege, as was done by Cromwell in England. 
Washington in America, Wellington at Waterloo, Jackson 
at New Orleans, and Houston at San Jacinto. Both of these 
methods fell to the lot of Abraham Lincoln : he was credited 
with successfully waging the most gigantic war of the ages ; 
and, as a result of that war, he conferred upon the Northern 
States the power to exact from the Southern people, during 
the last forty-one years, an annual per capita contribution 
of about $2.90 for pensions and war-bonds, and perhaps as 
much, if not more, to insure "prosperity" to JSTorthern manu- 
facturers, ship-o^^Tiers, &c. — a burden without a parallel in 
the records of the human race. 

Hence, when he fell by the hand of an assassin, his two- 
fold claim to the homage of his people invested him with vir- 
tues whose number and brilliance baffle the conception of the 
most vivid imagination. 

Abraham Lincoln's ancestors came from England about 
1638, aiid settled in Massachusetts ; and no doubt broug'ht with 
thein the characteristic Puritan antipathies which have been 
considered in a previous chapter. In 1783, his grand-par- 
ents, who had been living in Virginia, moved to Xentueky, 
where their son, Thomas L. Lincoln, the father of Abraham, 
lived till 1816. He then moved to Indiana, Abraham being 
seven years old, and lived in "a rude log cabin". The family 
lived a "pioor, laborious life", their son "receiving only about 
a year of tlie rudest school education". In 1825 he managed 
a ferry across the Ohio; in 1828 he took a flat-boat with pro- 
duce to IS^ew Orleans; and in 1830 the family moved to Illi- 

Mr. Lincoln, himself, in explaining to Mr. Seward how he 
made his first dollar ("Reminiscences", p. 279), said: "I 
was about eighteen years of age, and belonged, as you know. 
to what they call do^^^l South the 'Scrubs'; people who do 
not own land and slaves are nobody there", &:c., ]\Ir. Seward 
understanding, of course, that a man who owned no slaves 
owned no land. 


If, now, we adopt tliat law of cause and effect which is 
claimed to dominate through the generations of sentient be- 
ings, admit the probability of an inherited antipathy to the 
Cavalier, and admit the naturalness of his resentment to- 
wards those in a '^'slave State" who denied his family social 
equality, we may not wander far from the truth in attempting 
to deal justly with the conduct of President Lincoln. Indeed,, 
if we were wiser, if we could intelligently trace his ancestors 
down tlie ages, we might discover that he was evolved from 
forces which were at work as far back at least as the landing 
of Julius Caesar on the coast of Britain. 

In Rice's Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln there is a 
sketch ^ATitten by Gen. Donn Piatt, an Ohioan, who served in 
the United States Army during the war, and from it I quote 
a few extracts : 

"Great men have enemies while alive, and friends when 
dead ; and, between the two, the objects of hate and love pass 
into historical phantoms far more unreal than their ghosts 
are supposed to be. With us, when a leader dies, all good 
men go to lying about him, and from the monument that cov- 
ers his remains to the last echo of the rural press, in speeches, 
sermons, eulogies and reminiscences, we have naught but 
pious lies. There is no tyrrany so despotic as that of public 
opinion among a free people. The rule of the majority is to 
the last extent exacting and brutal. When brought to bear 
on our eminent men, it is also senseless. Poor Garfield, with 
his sensitive temperament, was almost driven to suicide while 
alive. He fell by the shot of an assassin, and passed in an 
instant to the roll of popular saints. ***** *^!^ 

"As a pleasant fiction is more acceptable than a naked fact, 
and as the historian shapes his wares, like any other dealer, 
to suit his customers, one can readily see that our chronicles 
are only a duller sort of fiction than the popular novels so 
eagerly read; not that they are true, but that they deal in 
what we love to have — the truth. Thus Washington is deified 
into an impossible man, and Aaron Burr has passed into a 
like impossible human monster. Through the same process 
Abraham Lincoln * * * }ias almost gone from human 
knowledge. I hear of him, read of him in eulogies and biog- 
raphies, and fail to recognize the man I encountered, for the 


first time, in tlie canvass that called him from private life to 
be President. * * * 

''I soon discovered that this strange and strangely gifted 
man, while not at all cynical, was a sceptic. His view of 
human nature was low. This low estimate of humanity 
blinded him to the South. He could not understand that 
men would get up in their wrath and fight for an idea. * * * 
'They won't give up the offices' ; I remember he said ; Svere it 
believed that vacant places could be had at the ISTorth Pole, 
the road there would be lined with dead Virginians'. He un- 
consciously accepted, for himself and party, the same low 
line that he awarded the South. 

* * " "Descended from the poor whites of a slave 
State, through many generations, he inherited the contempt, 
if not the hatred, held by that class for the negro. A self- 
made man, with scarcely a winter's schooling from books, his 
strong nature was built on what he inlierited, and he could 
no more feel a sympathy for that wretched race than he could 
for the horse he worked or the hog he killed. In this he 
exliibited the marked trait that governed his public life. He 
never rose above the mass he influenced. * * He knew, 
and saw clearly, that the people of the free States had, not 
only, no sympathy with tlie abolition of slavery, but held 
fanatics, as Abolitionists were called, in utter abhorrence. 
AVhile it seemed a cheap philanthropy, and therefore popular, 
to free another man's slave, the fact was that it was not 
another man's slave. The unrequited toil of the slave was 
more valuable to the JN^orth than to the South. With our keen 
business instincts, we of the free States utilized the brutal 
M'ork of the masters. They made, without saving, all that 
we accumulated. * * Wendell Phillips, the silver-tongued 
advocate of human rights, was, while Mr. Lincoln talked to 
us, being ostracised at Boston and rotten-egged at Cincinnati. 
A keen knowledge of human nature in a jury, more than a 
knowledge of law, in his case, had put our President-elect 
at the head of his profession. * * * He had little taste for 
and less knowledege of, literature. * * * "We are quick 
to forget the facts and slow to recognize the truths that knock 
from us our pret-entious claims to a high philanthro]\v. * * 
The minority that elected Mr. Lincoln, * * * while pledg- 


ing itself, in platforms and speeches, to a solemn resolve to 
keep slavery under the Constitution in the States, restricted 
its anti-slavery purpose to the prevention of its spread into the 
Territories. I remember when the Hutchinsons were driven 
from the camps of the Potomac Army by the soldiers for 
singing their abolition songs, and I remember well that for 
two years nearly of our service as soldiers we were engaged 
in returning slaves to their masters, when the poor creatures 
sought shelter in our lines". 

Turning now from Gen. Piatt, let us see what is said about 
Mr. Lincoln by other Northern writers : 

In "Herndon's Lincoln", vol. I, page 3, we are told that 
Mr. Lincoln, being ashamed of his "poor white" origin, de- 
clared to Herndon that his mother was the daughter of a 
"well-bred Virginia farmer", although she was born three 
years after the marriage of her parents. 

Mr. Lincoln asked a Miss Owens to marry him ; but she 
refused. Afterwards he ^vrote a letter to a Mrs. Browning, 
in which he referred to Miss Owens in terms which Morse's 
Lincoln calls "most abominable"; and Lamon (Lincoln, p. 
181) speaks of "its coarse exaggeration in describing a per- 
son whom the writer was willing to marry, its imputation of 
toothless and weather-beaten old age to a woman young and 

About the time when Mr. Lincoln was "smuggled through 
Baltimore by night to avoid assassination", as Ben. Perley 
Poore informs us in Rice's "Peminiscences", Edwin M. 
■Stanton, who became Secretary of War in Mr. Lincoln's cab- 
inet, was indulging in "tirades against Mr. Lincoln, saying 
on one occasion he 'had met him at the bar, and found hiui 
a low, cunning clovm'." 

Mr. Lincoln wrote an essay against the inspiration of the 
Bible and the divinity of Christ, and a friend of his burnt 
it without his consent. Hence the pious utterances in his 
farewell address to Springfield (Holland's Lincoln, p. 241) 
were "regarded by many as an evidence of his weakness and 
of his hypocrisy". And the pious words with which he closed 
his so-called Emancipation Proclamation were added by Sec- 
retary Chase (Hapgood's Lincoln, pp. 291 et seq.). 

Mr. Lincoln's vrdgarity disgiisted all refined persons who 


came in contact with him. Holland says (p. 251) : "Men 
who knew him throughout his political and professional life 
* * * have said that he was the foulest in his jests and 
stories of any man in the country" ; and Lamon says he "was 
restrained by no presence and no occasion". Even the bat- 
tlefield of Gettysburg "was shamed with a ribald song", says 
Gen. Piatt ( "Keminiscenses", &c., p. 486), which Lincoln 
called for when he delivered his famous speech. 

In volume II, p. 182, of his History of the United States, 
Percy Greg (an Englishman) says this: 

"Mr. Lincoln's virtual declaration of war and blockade 
was coupled with two acts which cast a glaring light on the 
often-vaunted humanity of the ISTorth, and the personal ten- 
derness of nature and freedom from vindictive passion 
ascribed to the President. The latter ordered that Confed- 
erate commissions or letters-of-marque granted to private 
or public ships should be disregarded, and their crews treated 
as pirates. He also declared medicines of all kinds contra- 
band of war. Both acts violated every rule of civilized 
war, and outraged the conscience of Christendom". 

After Gen. Sherman had reported that he had devastated 
a strip of Georgia 2,465 square miles larger than the State 
of Vermont, destroying 14,070 bales of cotton, 13,400 bush- 
els of com, 80 tons of fodder, 50 barrels of molasses, 25 bar- 
rels of salt, 36 grist mills, 27 saw mills, 271 cotton gins, be- 
sides quantities of rice, wagons, carts, tools, &c., Mr. Lincoln 
wrote him : "Please make my grateful acknowledgments to 
your whole army, officers and men". — War Records, Series 
I, vol. XLIV, p. 809. 

Laboring to justify Mr. Lincoln's disregard of his official 
oath to support the Constitution, Allen Thorndike Rice says : 

"In the better sense, Lincoln was, perhaps, something of a 
casuist in believing that the end justifies the means". 

Brushing away, then, all the myths which during forty 
years have kept before the eyes of the people an "impossible" 
Lincoln; remembering that the means of an ennobling and 
refining culture were denied him in his youth ; su])posing that 
his determination to "save" by force a voluntary union of 
sovereign communities was due to his ignorance of the his- 
tory of the American Colonies and of the terms of their com- 


pacts as Colonies and as States ; knowing that it was impos- 
sible for him to understand and appreciate the people of the 
South, who, Burke said, were "much more strongly, and with 
a higiier and more stubborn spirit, attached to liberty than 
those to the northward", and of whom Mr. Lincoln's esti- 
mate was "low" ; remembering that in his first inaugural ad- 
dress he justified secession "if by the mere force of numbers 
a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written 
Constitutional right" ; and believing that at first he yielded 
to the advice of a wuly politician in the State Department, 
who did not hesitate to resort to deception whenever it would 
further his schemes, the future student, whose vision may 
be clearer than ours, may conclude that Abraham Lincoln 
blundered into a war with the Southern Confederacy. 



"This Low Estimate of Humanity Blinded Him to the 


Gen. Doiui Piatt has told ns that Mr. Lincoln's estimate 
of Soutliemers was "low", that he could not grasp the 
thought that a Southern man 'Svould get up in his wrath and 
fight for an idea", and that it was inconceivable to him that 
the armies of the Confederacy would surrender only after 
being amiihilated. Hence we can easily understand the fol- 
lowing acts and utterances : 

1. He believed that Southern dissatisfaction with the 
success of his faction was due to that disgraceful grasping 
for official positions which distingTiished his o^mi party. Gen. 
Piatt gives this reason why Mr. Lincoln did not call Gen. 
Robert E. Schenk to his Cabinet, as he probably intended to 
do : "I am still of this opinion, and attribute the change to 
certain low intrigues hatched at Chicago bv the newlv created 
politicians of that locality, who saw in the coming adminis- 
tration opportunities for plunder that Robert E. Schenk's 
laiown probity would have blasted". 

2. On December 8, 1863, he issued a proclamation in- 
forming the people of the Confederacy that if one-tenth of 
tlie voters in any State would take an oath to support him 
and his party in all that they had done or might do, these 
voters could organize: a State government inside of their 
respective States, and he would "recognize" it. 

3. In that same proclamation he appealed to Southerners 
who were guilty of "treason", and who merited punishment 
for that awful crime, to cease to do evil, to take an oath to 
approve all his acts and support his administration in every- 
thing it might do, promising them full pardon and forgive- 
ness, provided always that no man who had ever been honored 
by his people mtli a respectable office could ever be anything 
but an outlaw. This proclamation was by some means scat- 
tered through the armies of the Confedeiracy, and excited 
mirth rather than repentance. 

4. Equally ignorant of the temper of the Southern man, 
Gen. Grant issued a circular (Special Order, Xo. 82), had 



thousands of copies printed and sent to all the United States 
commanders throughout the Confederacy for circulation by 
kites and otherwise among Confederate troops, in which he 
made tempting promises if they would desert, one being that 
they should have remunerative employment at army posts, 
navy yards, arsenals, &c. 


JSToKTH Caeolina''s Shaee of the 600. 

Of the 600 Confederate prisonei-s sent to Charleston for ex- 
posure to the fire of Confederate guns, 111 were ISTorth Caro- 
linians. On reaching Hilton Head seven of them were sent 
to a hospital at Beaufort, S. C, being so afflicted that Gen. 
Foster thought it prudent to thus dispose of them. The list, 
as corrected by Col. John L. Cantwell, is as follows, the few 
being omitted who disgraced themselves by taking an oath 
to support the Federal authorities in everything they had 
done or might do: 

Abernathy, S. S., Wake County, 
Alexander, W. J., Wilkes County, 
Allen, W. B., Wake County, 
Allen, T. M., Fair Field, 
Allison, M. B., Webster, 
■ Albright, G. 'N., Melville, 

Andrews, H. C, Orange County, 
Anderson, W. T., Fayetteville, 
Avant, G. W., Chatham County, 
Barrow, T. P., Washingi;on, 
Brown, Alex. H., Longstreet, 
Blair, J. A., Macon County, 
Blair, J. C, Boone, 
Bloodworth, J. H., Wilmington, 
Blue, E. McN., Moore County, 
Bohannon, S. S., Yadkin County, 
Bradford, N. G., Lenoir County, 
Bromly, C. R., Concord, 
Brothers, J. W., Kinston, 
Burgin, J. M., Marion, 
Bullard, P. S., Owenville, 
Bullock, Jno. T., Tranquillity, 
Birkhead, B. W., Ashboro, 
Busbee, C. M., Raleigh, 
Cant well, Jno. L., Wilmington, 
Carr, Robt. B., Duplin County, 



Oarver, E. A., Forestville, 
Chandler, W. B,, Yancey ville, 
Coffield, J. B., Tarboro, 
Coggin, jr., Montgomery County, 
CockeAam, D. S., Yadkin County, 
Cole, Alex. T., Rockingham, 
Coon, David A., Lincolnton, 
Cooke, Geo. L., Graham, 
Cowan, Jno., Wilmington, 
Coble, Geo. S., Graham County, 
Cowper, J. C. C, Mnrfreesboro, 
Crapon, Geo. M., Smithville, 
Crawford, T. D., Washington, 
Darden, J. H., Snow Hill, 
Day, W"m. H., Halifax, 
Davis, A. B., Wilson, 
Dewar, W. A., Harnett County, 
Dixon, H. M., Moore County, 
Doles, W. F., IsTash County, 
Earp, H., Johnston County, 
Elkins, J. Q., W^hiteville, 
Fennell, ]!:^ich. H., Sampson County, 
Eloyd, E. F., Leesville, 
Folk, G. 'N., Morganton, 
Fowler, H. D., Rolesville, 
Frink, J. 0., Cerro Gordo, 
Gash, H. Y., Hendersonville, 
Guyther, Jno. M., Plymouth, 
Gamble, J. F., Shelby, 
Gordon, W. C, Morganton, 
Go wan, B. A., Whiteville, 
Gurganus, J. A., Onslow County, 
Howser, A. J., Lincolnton, 
Harget, J. M., ISTew Bern, 
Hargrove, T. L., Oxford, 
Hart, E. S., Bostick's Mill, 
Hartsfield, J. A., Rolesville, 
Hartsfield, L. H., Kinston, 
Heath, J. F., l^ew Bern, 
Henderson, T. B., Jacksonville, 


Henderson, L. J., Onslow County, 
Hines, Jno. C, Clinton, 
Hines, S. H., Milton, 
Highly, G. P., Lnmberton, 
Hobson, J. M., Eocksville, 
Home, H. W., Fayetteville, 
Ivy, W. H., Jackson, 
Jenkins, H. J., Murfreesboro, 
Jones, W. T., Moore County, 
Johnson, Wm, P., Charlotte, 
Johnson, T. L,, Edenton, 
King, J. E., Onslow County, 
Kitchin, W. H., Scotland ^^eck, 
Knox, J. G., Kowan County, 
Kyle, J. K., Eayetteville, 
Lane, C. C, Snow Hill, 
Lane, J. W., Henderson ville, 
Latham, J. A., Plymouth, 
Lindsay, G. H., Madison, 
Lindsay, J. B., Wadesboro, 
Leatherwood, A. 'N., Ford Hendry, 
T^ewis, Thos. C, Wilmington, 
Loudermilk, Z. H., Randolph County, 
Lyon, R. H., Black Rock, 
McDonald, J. R., Fayetteville, 
Mcintosh, Frank, Richmond County, 
McLeod, Murdock, Carthage, 
McMillan, J. J., Wilmington, 
McRae, W. G., Wilmington, 
Mallett, C. P., Fayetteville, 
Malloy, J. D., Buck Horn, 
Moore, J. W., Wilmington, 
Mosely, IST. S., Warrenton, 
Murphy, Wm, F., Clinton, 
Patrick, F. F., Columbia, 
Parham, S. J., Henderson. 

A few of the 600, including W. H. Kitchin, were con- 
fined in a felon's cell at Hilton Head for the offense of cut- 

North Carolina Stetc Library 


ting buttons off the coats of oath-takers, ■\^''ho, Gen. Foster 
wrote to Gen. Halleck, were ^'the most worthless and unre- 
liable fellows in the wholei lot". 

Peisokees feom Othee States. 

In the list of prisoners from other States, as it stands in 
Maj. Murray's ^'The Immortal Six Hundred", I recognize 
the names of a few gentlemen whom I have kno^^m, 
as Charles F. Crisp, Speaker of the 52nd and 53rd Con- 
gresses ; James B. McCrearj, who served with me in Con- 
gress, and is now a Senator from Kentucky; and James E. 
Cobb, who represented an Alabama District in the 52nd and 
53rd Congresses; and in the list of 50 prisoners who were 
sent for retaliatory purposes before the 600 is the name of 
William H. Forney, of Alabama, who served with me in 

GC 973.711 G733S 

Grady, Benjamin F. (Benjamin Franklin), 
The South's burden, or, the curse of sec 

3 3091 00094 3472